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It is difficult to say in what relation the Acolhua and Tepanec princes stood towards the Chichimec emperor. According to most of the Spanish authorities, they swore allegiance to Xolotl, and took rank as the first vassals of the empire, though they were exempted from payment of tribute. It is Brasseur's opinion, however, that this statement must not be accepted too literally. Nothing was more jealously guarded by all these peoples than their independence and sovereign rights in the land they occupied. At the same time, the right of first occupation being held sacred by them, it was natural that the tribes that came in after the Chichimecs, should address themselves to Xolotl, before attempting any formal settlement. The act of the new tribes was, therefore, an observance of international etiquette rather than an acknowledgment of vassalage.505
The settlement of the Acolhuas and Tepanecs in Anáhuac resulted in an improved order of things, and in the rapid advance of culture throughout the country. Their comparatively high state of civilization was not slow to impart itself to the ruder Chichimecs, who were proud to ally themselves by marriage to the polished strangers, and eager to emulate their refinement. For the same reasons the name Acolhua soon came to designate the Chichimecs of the capital and surrounding districts. Nor was it the people alone who received this impulse from the new-comers. Xolotl began to perceive that if he wished to establish a permanent and hereditary monarchy it would be necessary to cure his fierce nobles of their nomadic tastes and habits by giving them possessions, and thus making it to their interest to lead an orderly and settled life. To this end he created a number of fiefs, and distributed them among his lords, according to their rank and quality. Those lying nearest to the centre of the empire were granted to the princes of the royal family, or to chiefs of undoubted loyalty; while to the more turbulent nobles distant provinces were assigned.506
For some time after the accession of Huetzin to the throne of Culhuacan, where, the reader will recollect, he had been placed by Xolotl II. after the defeat and death of Nauhyotl, it seems that Nonohualcatl, Nauhyotl's eldest son,507 and Ameyal, Pochotl's eldest son by Nauhyotl's daughter, were permitted to retain their position as heirs to the throne which they had enjoyed during the reign of the late king. But this did not last very long; the ruse by which Ameyal had endeavored to frustrate Xolotl's designs upon the throne of Culhuacan was not forgotten, and before many months had elapsed the young prince was despoiled of his dignities and cast into prison, where he was kept closely confined for several years.
Although the Toltec element in Anáhuac was growing weaker every year, and threatened to totally disappear in a short time, yet what little there was left of it possessed great importance in the eyes of Xolotl II. The Chichimec emperor, partly perhaps from motives of pride, partly because he saw that it would tend to ensure his son's succession, desired nothing so much as to ally his family by blood with the ancient Toltec dynasty. With this end in view, the old monarch had for some time been looking about for a suitable bride for his son Nopaltzin. At length the lady was found in the person of Azcatlxochitl, sister of Ameyal, and therefore daughter of Pochotl, the son of Topiltzin, the last Toltec king. This princess, who was then about twenty-five years of age, was possessed of singular beauty and rare accomplishments, and was withal a model of modesty. Her father being dead, and her brother in captivity, she lived in seclusion with her mother at Tlaximaloyan, a town on the frontier of Michoacan. Whatever dislike the Chichimec nobles may at first have had for this alliance, was speedily overcome; the hand of the Toltec princess was formally demanded and given, and soon afterwards the marriage was celebrated with great magnificence. By this union Nopaltzin had three sons, Tlotzin Pochotl,508 who subsequently succeeded his father as Chichimec emperor, Huizaquen Tochin Tecuhtli, and Coxanatzin Atencatl.509 When these came of age, their father obtained Tlazatlan from Xolotl for the eldest son to rule, until he should succeed to the imperial throne; for the second son he obtained a grant of Zacatlan, and for the third Tenamitec. Before departing to his fief, Tlotzin was married to Tocpacxochitzin, daughter of the lord of Quahuatlapal, one of the great chiefs that came with Xolotl from Amaquemecan.510
Brasseur states that the tributes of the seigniory of Oztoticpac, in the province of Chalco, were granted to Tlotzin at his birth,511 and there the prince usually resided during his youth, under the able instruction of a noble Toltec named Tecpoyo Acauhtli, who, it is said, accompanied his pupil to Tlazatlan, whither he went after his marriage, and continued to educate him there.512 It was at this latter place that Tlotzin's son Quinantzin, who afterwards became emperor, was born.
About this time Xolotl's peace was much disturbed by a conspiracy which nearly put an end to his life. It seems that for a long time a number of powerful Chichimec nobles had regarded with growing disfavor the civilization which the emperor, his son, and his grandson, were so anxious to advance, though whether this was their only reason for conspiring against the old monarch's life is not clear. Of course any plot which tended to weaken the Chichimec empire called for the sympathy of the people of Culhuacan and the Toltecs generally throughout the country,513 and thus the discontented faction grew to be quite formidable. At first the conspirators confined themselves to grumbling, and made no active demonstration; but as time went on and the aged emperor showed no signs of failing, their impatience for his death grew unbearable, and finally they deliberately plotted his assassination.
During the later years of his life Xolotl left the government almost entirely in the hands of his son Nopaltzin, and passed the greater part of his time in the royal gardens at Tezcuco. He had several times expressed a wish to have an additional supply of water brought into these grounds, and it was in gratifying his desire that the traitors attempted to take his life. The new supply having been introduced from a neighboring mountain stream, the conspirators waited until a time when the emperor was supposed to be reposing in a low-lying part of the gardens, and then suddenly breaking down a dam which had been constructed for the purpose, they let the water overflow the grounds. But their design was happily frustrated. It happened that Xolotl had not lain down in the usual spot, but had sought an elevation, where the flood could not reach him. From his conduct it would seem that he had been apprised of the plot, for instead of being disconcerted, he made merry over the disaster, saying: "I have long been convinced of the love of my subjects; but I now perceive that they love me even more than I imagined; I wished to increase the supply of water for my gardens, and, behold, they even exceed my wishes; therefore I will commemorate their devotion with feasts." And he accordingly gave orders that the next few days should be devoted to public rejoicing, to the great confusion of his enemies. But the old monarch's heart was sore within him, nevertheless, and the treachery of his subjects weighed heavily upon him.514
But the disaffection that had given rise to this iniquitous plot was not quelled by its failure, and received a new impulse from a love-quarrel which led to serious consequences. Before narrating this event, it should be stated that Ameyal, henceforth known as Achitometl,515 had been released from captivity, probably through the influence of his sister, Nopaltzin's wife, and that Nonohualcatl516 had succeeded to the throne of Culhuacan by reason of Huetzin's falling heir to his father's seigniory of Coatlichan.517
Now, Achitometl had a daughter named Atotoztli, whose exceeding beauty and high rank brought countless admirers to her feet. Most favored among these, or most daring, it is not clear which, was Yacanex,518 lord of Tepetlaoztoc, and vassal of Huetzin. This noble presented himself before Achitometl, and imperiously demanded his daughter's hand. Angered at his insolence, the Culhua prince responded that Atotoztli was promised to Huetzin, but that if she were not he could never entertain a request made in such a manner. Yacanex, furious at this rebuff, but not in a position to proceed to extremes at the moment, returned to his fief and set about stirring up a rebellion against his rival and suzerain, Huetzin. His own people rose to a man at his call, and he was soon joined by several powerful neighboring chiefs.519 According to Brasseur, Yacanex, having gathered his forces, marched to Culhuacan, and there repeated his demand to Achitometl; but that prince reminded the rebellious noble of his promise to Huetzin, and declared his determination to yield his daughter's hand to no one else. Upon this Yacanex returned, with threats, to Tepetlaoztoc.520 There his army was swelled by a number of malcontents, among whom were two of Huetzin's sons, who thought themselves robbed of their inheritance, because their father had left the crown of Culhuacan to Nonohualcatl when he succeeded his father at Coatlichan. The provinces of Otompan and Tezcuco also broke out into open revolt, and before long there was danger that the whole of Anáhuac would be involved in war.
Xolotl and Nopaltzin now began to feel seriously alarmed. Tochin Tecuhtli, who, as we have seen, had been previously disgraced,521 and who had therefore joined the rebels, was secretly sent for, and induced by fair promises to desert Yacanex and take command of the imperial troops. He immediately proceeded to join Huetzin, and the two with their united forces then marched against the rebels. But Yacanex had taken up an unassailable position in the mountains, and for some months could not be drawn into an engagement. At length, his strength being greatly increased by the numbers that flocked to his standard, he decided to risk a battle and descended into the plain. The engagement, which lasted an entire day and was attended with great loss on both sides, ended in the rout and almost total annihilation of the rebels. Yacanex, with his ally Ocotox and a small remnant of his followers, escaped to the mountains in the east; and Huetzin's two sons522 fled to Huexotzinco.523
At this time Nopaltzin, with his son Tlotzin and his grandson Quinantzin, then about nine or ten years old, were sojourning in the forest of Xolotl, near Tezcuco. Ocotox, who had escaped with Yacanex, conceived the bold idea of capturing this royal party. But the princes were secretly informed of the plot, and, gathering what men they could, they rushed suddenly upon the concealed enemy with such fury that but few escaped. Quinantzin, though so young, is said to have been foremost in the melée and to have fought so valorously that Xolotl rewarded him with the lordship of Tezcuco, and ceded him its revenues.524 Tochin Tecuhtli was well rewarded for his services; he received in marriage the hand of Tomiyauh, daughter or grand-daughter of Upantzin, king of Xaltocan, and was made lord of the seigniory of Huexotla, which comprised the towns of Teotihuacan and Otompan; Huetzin returned to Coatlichan and there married the Helen of the war, Atotoztli, daughter of Achitometl.525 Thus was this rebellion brought to an end in the year 1151.526
A few years after these events Xolotl II. expired at Tenayocan in the arms of his son Nopaltzin, to whom he left the crown, exhorting him to maintain peace in the empire if possible.527
After the body of the late emperor had been interred with the customary ceremonies, Nopaltzin was crowned Chichimecatl Tecuhtli, and formally received the homage of his vassals. The coronation fêtes were on a scale of unusual magnificence, and lasted forty days.528
In spite of the wishes of the late emperor, Nopaltzin's reign was anything but a peaceful one. Anáhuac was at this time divided into a great number of states, many of which had their peculiar languages, manners, and customs. The principal of these divisions were Tenayocan, Coatlichan, Azcapuzalco, Xaltocan, Quauhtitlan, Huexotla, and Culhuacan. Each of these communities was exceedingly watchful of its own interests and regarded all the others with more or less jealousy. In the early part of his reign the people of Tulancingo rebelled, and Nopaltzin marched in person to subdue them; it is doubtful, however, if he would have succeeded had not Tlotzin opportunely come to his aid, when, after a campaign of nineteen days, victory was obtained.529 On another occasion, Aculhua, King of Azcapuzalco, usurped the lands of Chalchiuhcua, lord of Tepotzotlan, at a time when Nopaltzin was too busy to prevent it.
In 1171 Nonohualcatl, king of Culhuacan, died and was succeeded by Achitometl, or Ameyal.530 This prince, whose life had been such an eventful one, labored hard to advance civilization, and during his life the city of Culhuacan made great progress. But his reign was a short one, and he had been on the throne but a few years, when he died, and was succeeded by his son Icxochitlanex.
Nopaltzin, following the example set by his father, did all in his power to further Toltec culture. Great attention was paid to agriculture; masters were appointed in the several towns to teach the various arts, new laws were made and old ones revised, and civilization began to assume a higher phase than it had hitherto done since the fall of the Toltec empire.
Migration of the Aztecs – Nations of Anáhuac at Beginning of the Thirteenth Century – The Aztecs submit to the Tepanecs – Reign of the Emperor Tlotzin – Quinantzin, King of Tezcuco and Chichimec Emperor – Transfer of the Capital – Tenancacaltzin usurps the Imperial Throne at Tenayocan – The Usurper defeated by Tepanecs and Mexicans – Acolnahuacatl proclaimed Emperor – Quinantzin's Victories – Battle at Poyauhtlan – Quinantzin again Emperor – Toltec Institutions at Tezcuco – Events at Culhuacan – Mexicans driven from Chapultepec – Alliance between Mexicans and Culhuas – Religious Strife – Foundation of Mexico – Reign of the Emperor Techotl – Political Changes – Ruin of the Culhua Power – Tezozomoc, King of Azcapuzalco – Separation of Mexicans and Tlatelulcas – Acamapichtli II., King of Mexico – Quaquauhpitzahuac, King of Tlatelulco.
The last of the so-called foreign tribes that came into notice in Anáhuac, from out the confusion that followed the downfall of the Toltecs, was the Aztec, or Mexican, which settled at Chapultepec in the last years of the twelfth century.531 According to their traditions they set out on their migration from Aztlan together with the Nahuatlaca tribes, whose arrival has already been noticed; but were left behind by those tribes at Chicomoztoc, one of their first stopping-places. The migration of the Aztecs from Chicomoztoc is described much more fully than that of the tribes that preceded them; but in the details of this journey, so far as dates, names, and events are concerned, the traditions are inextricably confused. I have already expressed my opinion that some of these traditions may refer very vaguely to the pre-Toltec events in Nahua history, but that they chiefly refer to the movements of the Nahua, or Chichimec, tribes which occupied the Toltec provinces during the continuance of the empire, and which after a long struggle became powerful in and about the Valley of Mexico. We have no means of determining in a manner at all satisfactory whether Aztlan and Chicomoztoc were in Central America or in the region of Zacatecas and Jalisco; nor indeed of proving that they were not in Alaska, New Mexico, or on the Mississippi, although there is absolutely no evidence in favor of the latter locations; but we know at least that all the halting-places of the migrating tribes after Chicomoztoc were in the immediate vicinity of Anáhuac. The record as a whole is exactly what might be expected, were the traditions of half a dozen kindred bands respecting their wanderings about the central plateau, and efforts to establish themselves in permanent homes, united in one consecutive narrative; and I have little doubt that such was substantially the process by which the Spanish version of the Aztec migration was formed. Whatever the cause of the confusion that reigns in that version, it is utterly useless to attempt its clearing-up; and I dispose of the whole matter by simply presenting in a note the dates and successive halting-places attributed to this migration by the principal authorities; the opinions of these authorities respecting the location of Aztlan and Chicomoztoc have been previously given.532
Some of the events and circumstances connected with the migration, however, must be noticed, although there is little agreement as to the place or date of their occurrence. At Aztlan the Aztecs are said to have crossed each year a great river or channel to Teo-Culhuacan, to make sacrifices in honor of the god Tetzauh. Prompted by the cry of a bird, as has already been related, they left their home under command of Huitziton, or Huitzilopochtli, probably identical with Mecitl, or Mexi, whence was derived their name of Mexicas, or Mexicans. They seem to have left Aztlan about 1090, and to have settled in Chicomoztoc, after several halts, in 1116.533 Chicomoztoc, to which Brasseur adds the name Quinehuayan, was also on the bank of a river, and the Aztecs continued the profession of boatmen which they had practiced at Aztlan, being subject to a tyrannical monarch to whom the name of Montezuma is applied by some of the traditions. After the other Nahuatlaca tribes had separated themselves from the Aztecs by divine command, the leader, or high-priest, or god, – Huitzilopochtli – for the exact epoch of his death and deification it is impossible to determine – informed the latter that he had selected them as his peculiar people, for whom he destined a glorious future. He ordered them to abandon the name of Aztecs and adopt that of Mexicas, and to wear upon their forehead and ears a patch of gum and feathers, as a distinguishing mark, presenting them at the same time with arrows and a net as insignia.534 This separation at Chicomoztoc, or the Seven Caves, presents strong analogies to that which took place in Tulan Zuiva; it is not impossible that the events related are identical, the earlier portions of this tradition referring vaguely back to the primitive epochs of Nahua history, while the later portions relate the events which followed the Toltec destruction. After the separation, and while the Aztecs were yet at Chicomoztoc,535 an event occurred to which is traditionally referred the origin of the differences that in later years divided this people into two rival parties, the Mexicans and Tlatelulcas. Two small bundles mysteriously appeared among them one day when all were assembled; the first opened contained an emerald of extraordinary size and beauty, for the possession of which a quarrel ensued. The second bundle proved to contain nothing more attractive than a few common sticks, and the party into whose possession it fell deemed themselves most unfortunate, until Huitziton made known to them a novel process of producing fire by rubbing two sticks together.536 According to Brasseur's authorities one of the princes of Chicomoztoc, named Chalchiuh Tlatonac, was induced to depart with the Aztecs, assuming a rank second only to that of the high-priest Huitziton. It is also claimed that certain Toltec nobles with their followers, who had been driven from Chapultepec by the Chichimecs, joined their fortunes with those of the Aztecs at an early period of their migration, perhaps, however, before they left Aztlan.537
After leaving Chicomoztoc, and while in Michoacan according to most authorities, although by some of them Huitzilopochtli is spoken of as a god long before, the aged high-priest Huitziton died or disappeared suddenly during the night. It is hinted that he was foully disposed of by the priesthood, through jealousy of his popularity and power; but whether responsible or not for his death, the priests resolved to take advantage of it to advance their own interests. Consequently the next morning a report was circulated that Huitziton had been called to take his place among the gods with the great Tetzauh, or Tezcatlipoca, who on his arrival had addressed to him the following craftily prepared speech: "Welcome brave warrior, and thanks for having so well served me and governed my people. It is time that thou take thy rest among the gods; return, then, to thy sons the priests and tell them not to be afflicted at thy absence; for although they may no longer behold thee, thou wilt not cease to be in their midst to guide and rule them from on high. For I will cause thy flesh to be consumed, that thy skull and bones may remain to thy sons as a consolation, that they may consult thee respecting the routes they have to follow and in all the affairs of government, and that thou mayest direct them and show unto them the land which I have chosen for them, where they will have a long and prosperous empire." Brasseur adds to the speech, "where they shall find a nopal growing alone on a rock in the midst of the waters, and on this nopal an eagle holding a serpent in his claws, there they are to halt, there will be the seat of their empire, there will my temple be built," although this is not given by Veytia or Torquemada, the authorities referred to by the abbé. The god also gave directions that the bones of Huitzilopochtli should be carried in an urn by the priests on their migration, or according to some authorities that an idol should be made and carried in an ark on the shoulders of four priests. The four priests were of course designated for the important position of teomama, or 'god-bearers,' who were to constitute the medium through which the idol should make known his commands to the people. The people dared make no opposition to the will of their god, and the plans of the crafty priests were most successfully carried out.
But an episode that is related of this period, indicates that the plots of the priests were perfectly comprehended by at least one person. This was Malinalxochitl, the sister, friend, or mistress of Huitziton, a brave princess who rendered great aid to the high-priest against the machinations of his foes. She was charged, however, probably by the hostile priests, with the possession of the black art. She could kill with a glance, turn the course of rivers, and transform herself into any form at will. After the death of Huitziton the priests, whose tricks she very likely tried to expose, resorted to their new divinity to rid themselves of Malinalxochitl. The idol from its ark was made to issue an order that the sorceress should be abandoned while asleep. With her followers she went to Mt Texcaltepec, where she afterwards founded the town of Malinalco, and bore a son named Copil, or Cohuitl, to whom she entrusted her revenge on the Mexicans.538
While they were yet in Michoacan, on the banks of Lake Patzcuaro, a trouble is said to have occurred which resulted in the separation of the Tarascos from the Aztecs, and their settlement in this region. The tale, to which very little importance is to be attached, from the fact that the Tarascan language was different from the Aztec, is as follows: A number of men and women were bathing together, when the rest, at the instigation of the priests, took their clothing and departed. The bathers were obliged to improvise a dress, which pleased them so much that they retained it ever after in preference to the maxtli; but they never forgave the Aztecs, resolved to remain where they were, and even changed their language that they might have nothing in common with that people. Camargo's version is that in crossing a river a part of the travelers used their maxtlis to fasten together their rafts, and were forced to borrow the women's huipiles to cover their nakedness; and Veytia adds that so imperfectly did these garments perform their office that the rest of the tribe, shocked at the appearance of their companions, abandoned them in disgust, calling them Tarascos from a circumstance that has been already given.539
Quauhtlequetzqui seems to have been the priest who of the four assumed the highest rank after the death of Huitziton; and coming under his command or that of their idol through him expressed, to Coatepec in the vicinity of Tollan, the Mexicans, at the order of their god, stopped the current of the river so as to form a kind of lake surrounding the mountain. Their stay in this place was one of great prosperity and increase in population and wealth; here they placed the sacred ark in a grand temple; and here they were taught to make balls of india-rubber and initiated by the gods into the mysteries of the tlachtli, or game of ball, which afterward became their national diversion.540 But the will of Huitzilopochtli was made known that this fair land must be abandoned, and their wanderings recommenced. The people murmured and showed signs of revolt, but the god appeared before them in so frightful an aspect as to fill them with terror; some of the malcontents were found dead near the temple with their hearts cut out; the dam was broken, thus destroying the great charm of their new home; and finally the will of the leader was obeyed, though not apparently until several revolting chiefs with their followers had separated themselves from the main body.541
At Tzompanco, now Zumpango on the northern lake, the Mexicans – not perhaps the main body, judging from the names given to the leaders – were most kindly received, possibly as allies in the wars waged by Tochpanecatl, the lord of that city. This lord's son Ilhuicatl married Tlacapantzin, a Mexican girl, and, as Brasseur states, the same lord gave his daughter Tlaquilxochitl as a wife to Tozcuecuex, the Aztec leader, at the same time giving to the Mexicans through her the possession of Tizayocan their next halting-place. From one of these marriages sprung Huitzilihuitl, who afterwards became, according to many authors, the first king, or ruler, of the Mexicans.542
Several other intermarriages with tribes in Anáhuac are reported, and also some hostilities during the subsequent frequent changes of residence, but no important events are definitely reported before the arrival and settlement at Chapultepec in 1194 as already stated, although there is but little agreement in the dates, many traditions assigning the arrival to a much later period. As has been before stated, these traditions refer to different bands, and the disagreement in dates would be natural even if the chronology of the records had been correctly interpreted by the Spanish writers, which is not probable. There can be little doubt of the comparative accuracy of Brasseur's dates.
At this period Nopaltzin was still on the throne of Tenayocan, but was succeeded in 1211 by Tlotzin Pochotl.543 Acolnahuacatl, called by the Spanish writers Acolhua II., reigned over the Tepanecs at Azcapuzalco; Culhuacan was governed successively after Achitometl by Icxochitlanex, Quahuitonal, Mazatzin, Cuetzal, Chalchiuh Tlatonac II., Tziuhtecatl, Xihuiltemoc, and Coxcoxtli, down to about the end of the thirteenth century; the Teo-Chichimecs, one of the invading bands that have so vaguely appeared in preceding annals together with the Nahuatlaca tribes, were settled at Poyauhtlan in the vicinity of Tezcuco, a source of great uneasiness to all the nations, although nominally friends of the emperor Tlotzin; and Quinantzin, the son of Tlotzin, was chief lord at Tezcuco and heir to the imperial throne.544 The Aztecs meantime fortified their naturally strong position at Chapultepec, and in 2 Acatl, 1195, celebrated the completion of their cycle.545 Huitzilihuitl, in spite of the sacerdotal opposition was made chief, or as some say, king; the scattered Mexican bands, and even the main body of the Mexicans under the high priest Quauhtlequetzqui, or his successor of the same name, came to join those of Chapultepec; and the colony began to assume some importance in the eyes of the surrounding monarchs. The king of Azcapuzalco sought to make the Mexicans his vassals, desiring their aid as warriors, but Huitzilihuitl proudly refused to pay tribute. Their first war, something over thirty years after their arrival, was with Xaltocan, against which province they had aided the lord of Zumpango when first they entered the valley. The armies of Xaltocan, under Huixton, attacked and defeated the Aztecs near Chapultepec, forcing them to retreat within their fortifications, acting probably by the encouragement of the Tepanecs.546 According to Brasseur's authorities, the Tepanecs again proposed an alliance, and on refusal, marched with their own army, and soldiers from other nations, against Chapultepec, and at last forced Huitzilihuitl to submit to the payment of tribute.547 Before yielding, however, the Mexican chief sent ambassadors to Quinantzin at Tezcuco, offering him the allegiance of his people and asking aid; but the Tezcucan lord was not in condition to help them, and advised them to submit temporarily to Acolnahuacatl,548 which they did about 1240.
The reign of Tlotzin, the Chichimec emperor, was, for the most part, one of great prosperity, although his enemies were constantly on the watch for an opportunity to overthrow his power. He seems to have used his influence against a tendency exhibited by the Chichimecs to a rudeness of manners, and independence of all control, which threatened, in his opinion, a relapse into comparative barbarism. He favored rather the elegance of Toltec manners, and the strictness of Toltec discipline. In his efforts for reform he was seconded, or even excelled, by his son, Quinantzin, lord of Tezcuco. Ixtlilxochitl tells us that Tlotzin, soon after his ascension, made a long tour of inspection through his territory, correcting abuses and enforcing the laws, but exciting thereby the enmity of some vassal lords. Tenayocan was properly the Chichimec capital, but the emperor spent much of his time at Tezcuco, which had become one of the finest cities in Anáhuac. For the embellishment of this city, many Toltecs are said to have been called in from various towns, by the orders of Quinantzin. Some of the officers placed in charge of the parks and public works of Tezcuco, particularly Icuex and Ocotox, abused their trust, were banished, headed revolts, and were defeated by Quinantzin. About this time Tlotzin formed a new monarchy at Tezcuco, abdicating his own rights there and giving the crown to his son, Quinantzin. Another son, Tlacateotzin, was given the province of Tlazalan, subject to the crown of Tezcuco, and still other sons, Tochintecuhtli and Xiuhquetzaltzin, were made by Tlotzin, rulers of Huexotzinco and Tlascala, indicating that the eastern plateau was at this time a part of the empire, though it is not probable that a very strict allegiance was enforced. As monarch, Quinantzin, from his royal palace of Oztoticpac, labored more earnestly and successfully than before for a return to the old Toltec civilization, thus exciting the opposition of many Chichimec nobles, and preparing the way for future disasters. Tlotzin became, at last, so fond of his son's beautiful home, that he practically abandoned Tenayocan, appointing Tenancacaltzin, probably his brother, to rule in his stead. The newly appointed lieutenant had no fondness for Toltec reform, became secretly the chief of the opposition to the emperor, and only awaited an opportunity to declare his independence. Tlotzin Pochotl, at last, after an illness whose chief feature is said to have been a profound melancholy, was carried, at his request, to Tenayocan, where he died in 1246, after appointing Quinantzin as his heir. His funeral was accompanied with great pomp and display; all the kings of Anáhuac, both friends and foes, assisting in the ceremonies, and eulogizing his character.549