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Chapter XII. Homoeopathic Magic of a Flesh Diet

Custom of killing and eating the corn-spirit sacramentally. Belief of the savage that by eating an animal or man he acquires the qualities of that animal or man

The practice of killing a god has now been traced amongst peoples who have reached the agricultural stage of society. We have seen that the spirit of the corn, or of other cultivated plants, is commonly represented either in human or in animal form, and that in some places a custom has prevailed of killing annually either the human or the animal representative of the god. One reason for thus killing the corn-spirit in the person of his representative has been given implicitly in an earlier part of this work: we may suppose that the intention was to guard him or her (for the corn-spirit is often feminine) from the enfeeblement of old age by transferring the spirit, while still hale and hearty, to the person of a youthful and vigorous successor. Apart from the desirability of renewing his divine energies, the death of the corn-spirit may have been deemed inevitable under the sickles or the knives of the reapers, and his worshippers may accordingly have felt bound to acquiesce in the sad necessity.387 But, further, we have found a widespread custom of eating the god sacramentally, either in the shape of the man or animal who represents the god, or in the shape of bread made in human or animal form. The reasons for thus partaking of the body of the god are, from the primitive standpoint, simple enough. The savage commonly believes that by eating the flesh of an animal or man he acquires not only the physical, but even the moral and intellectual qualities which were characteristic of that animal or man; so when the creature is deemed divine, our simple savage naturally expects to [pg 139] absorb a portion of its divinity along with its material substance. It may be well to illustrate by instances this common faith in the acquisition of virtues or vices of many kinds through the medium of animal food, even when there is no pretence that the viands consist of the body or blood of a god. The doctrine forms part of the widely ramified system of sympathetic or homoeopathic magic.

Beliefs of the American Indians as to the homoeopathic magic of the flesh of animals

Thus, for example, the Creeks, Cherokee, and kindred tribes of North American Indians “believe that nature is possest of such a property, as to transfuse into men and animals the qualities, either of the food they use, or of those objects that are presented to their senses; he who feeds on venison is, according to their physical system, swifter and more sagacious than the man who lives on the flesh of the clumsy bear, or helpless dunghill fowls, the slow-footed tame cattle, or the heavy wallowing swine. This is the reason that several of their old men recommend, and say, that formerly their greatest chieftains observed a constant rule in their diet, and seldom ate of any animal of a gross quality, or heavy motion of body, fancying it conveyed a dullness through the whole system, and disabled them from exerting themselves with proper vigour in their martial, civil, and religious duties.”388 The Zaparo Indians of Ecuador “will, unless from necessity, in most cases not eat any heavy meats, such as tapir and peccary, but confine themselves to birds, monkeys, deer, fish, etc., principally because they argue that the heavier meats make them unwieldy, like the animals who supply the flesh, impeding their agility, and unfitting them for the chase.”389 Similarly some of the Brazilian Indians would eat no beast, bird, or fish that ran, flew, or swam slowly, lest by partaking of its flesh they should lose their agility and be unable to escape from their enemies.390 The Caribs abstained from the flesh of pigs lest it should cause them to have small eyes [pg 140] like pigs; and they refused to partake of tortoises from a fear that if they did so they would become heavy and stupid like the animal.391 Among the Fans of West Africa men in the prime of life never eat tortoises for a similar reason; they imagine that if they did so, their vigour and fleetness of foot would be gone. But old men may eat tortoises freely, because having already lost the power of running they can take no harm from the flesh of the slow-footed creature.392 Some of the Chiriguanos of eastern Bolivia would not touch the flesh of the vicuña, because they imagined that if they ate it they would become woolly like the vicuña.393 On the other hand the Abipones of Paraguay ate the flesh of jaguars in order to acquire the courage of the beast;394 indeed the number of jaguars which they consumed for this object is said to have been very great, and with a like intent they eagerly devoured the flesh of bulls, stags, boars, and ant-bears, being persuaded that by frequently partaking of such food they increased their strength, activity, and courage. On the other hand they all abhorred the thought of eating hens, eggs, sheep, fish, and tortoises, because they believed that these tender viands begot sloth and listlessness in their bodies and cowardice in their minds.395 The Thompson Indians of British Columbia would not eat the heart of the fool-hen, nor would they allow their dogs to devour the bird, lest they should grow foolish like the bird.396

Bushman beliefs as to the homoeopathic magic of the flesh of animals

While many savages thus fear to eat the flesh of slow-footed animals lest they should themselves become slow-footed, the Bushmen of South Africa purposely ate the flesh of such creatures, and the reason which they gave for doing so exhibits a curious refinement of savage philosophy. They imagined that the game which they pursued would be influenced sympathetically by the food in the body of the [pg 141] hunter, so that if he had eaten of swift-footed animals, the quarry would be swift-footed also and would escape him; whereas if he had eaten of slow-footed animals, the quarry would also be slow-footed, and he would be able to overtake and kill it. For that reason hunters of gemsbok particularly avoided eating the flesh of the swift and agile springbok; indeed they would not even touch it with their hands, because they believed the springbok to be a very lively creature which did not go to sleep at night, and they thought that if they ate springbok, the gemsbok which they hunted would likewise not be willing to go to sleep, even at night. How, then, could they catch it?397

Other African beliefs as to the homoeopathic magic of the flesh of animals. Ancient beliefs as to the homoeopathic magic of the flesh of animals

Certain tribes on the Upper Zambesi believe in transmigration, and every man in his lifetime chooses the kind of animal whose body he wishes at death to enter. He then performs an initiatory rite, which consists in swallowing the maggots bred in the putrid carcase of the animal of his choice; thenceforth he partakes of that animal's nature. And on the occasion of a calamity, while the women are giving themselves up to lamentation, you will see one man writhing on the ground like a boa constrictor or a crocodile, another howling and leaping like a panther, a third baying like a jackal, roaring like a lion, or grunting like a hippopotamus, all of them imitating the characters of the various animals to perfection.398 Clearly these people imagine that the soul or vital essence of the animal is manifested in the maggots bred in its decaying carcase; hence they imagine that by swallowing the maggots they imbue themselves with the very life and spirit of the creature which they desire to become. The Namaquas abstain from eating the flesh of hares, because they think it would make them faint-hearted as a hare. But they eat the flesh of the lion, or drink the blood of the leopard or lion, to get the courage and strength of these beasts.399 The Bushmen will not give their children a jackal's heart to eat, lest it should make them timid like the jackal; [pg 142] but they give them a leopard's heart to eat to make them brave like the leopard.400 When a Wagogo man of German East Africa kills a lion, he eats the heart in order to become brave like a lion; but he thinks that to eat the heart of a hen would make him timid.401 Among the Ja-luo, a tribe of Nilotic negroes, young men eat the flesh of leopards in order to make themselves fierce in war.402 The flesh of the lion and also that of the spotted leopard are sometimes cooked and eaten by native warriors in South-Eastern Africa, who hope thereby to become as brave as lions.403 When a Zulu army assembles to go forth to battle, the warriors eat slices of meat which is smeared with a powder made of the dried flesh of various animals, such as the leopard, lion, elephant, snakes, and so on; for thus it is thought that the soldiers will acquire the bravery and other warlike qualities of these animals. Sometimes if a Zulu has killed a wild beast, for instance a leopard, he will give his children the blood to drink, and will roast the heart for them to eat, expecting that they will thus grow up brave and daring men. But others say that this is dangerous, because it is apt to produce courage without prudence, and to make a man rush heedlessly on his death.404 Among the Wabondei of Eastern Africa the heart of a lion or leopard is eaten with the intention of making the eater strong and brave.405 In British Central Africa aspirants after courage consume the flesh and especially the hearts of lions, while lecherous persons eat the testicles of goats.406 Among the Suk of British East Africa the fat and heart of a lion are sometimes given to children to eat in order that they may become strong; but they are not allowed to know what they are eating.407 Arab women [pg 143] in North Africa give their male children a piece of a lion's heart to eat to make them fearless.408 The flesh of an elephant is thought by the Ewe-speaking peoples of West Africa to make the eater strong.409 Before they go forth to fight, Wajagga warriors drink a magical potion, which often consists of shavings of the horn and hide of a rhinoceros mixed with beer; this is supposed to impart to them the strength and force of the animal.410 When a serious disease has attacked a Zulu kraal, the medicine-man takes the bone of a very old dog, or the bone of an old cow, bull, or other very old animal, and administers it to the healthy as well as to the sick people, in order that they may live to be as old as the animal of whose bone they have partaken.411 So to restore the aged Aeson to youth, the witch Medea infused into his veins a decoction of the liver of the long-lived deer and the head of a crow that had outlived nine generations of men.412 In antiquity the flesh of deer and crows was eaten for other purposes than that of prolonging life. As deer were supposed not to suffer from fever, some women used to taste venison every morning, and it is said that in consequence they lived to a great age without ever being attacked by a fever; only the venison lost all its virtue if the animal had been killed by more blows than one.413 Again, ancient diviners sought to imbue themselves with the spirit of prophecy by swallowing vital portions of birds and beasts of omen; for example, they thought that by eating the hearts of crows or moles or hawks they took into their bodies, along with the flesh, the prophetic soul of the creature.414[pg 144]

Beliefs of the Dyaks and Aino as to the homoeopathic magic of the flesh of animals

Among the Dyaks of North-West Borneo young men and warriors may not eat venison, because it would make them as timid as deer; but the women and very old men are free to eat it.415 However, among the Kayans of the same region, who share the same view as to the ill effect of eating venison, men will partake of the dangerous viand provided it is cooked in the open air, for then the timid spirit of the animal is supposed to escape at once into the jungle and not to enter into the eater.416 The Aino of Japan think that the otter is a very forgetful animal, and they often call a person with a bad memory an “otter head.” Therefore it is a rule with them that “the otter's head must not lightly be used as an article of food, for unless people are very careful they will, if they eat it, become as forgetful as that creature. And hence it happens that when an otter has been killed the people do not usually eat the head. But if they are seized with a very strong desire for a feast of otter's head, they may partake thereof, providing proper precautions are taken. When eating it the people must take their swords, knives, axes, bows and arrows, tobacco-boxes and pipes, trays, cups, garden tools, and everything they possess, tie them up in bundles with carrying slings, and sit with them attached to their heads while in the act of eating. This feast may be partaken of in this way, and no other. If this method be carefully adhered to, there will be no danger of forgetting where a thing has been placed, otherwise loss of memory will be the result.”417 On the other hand the Aino believe that the heart of the water-ousel is exceedingly wise, and that in speech the bird is most eloquent. Therefore whenever he is killed, he should be at once torn open and his heart wrenched out and swallowed before it has time to grow cold or suffer damage of any kind. If a man swallows it thus, he will become very fluent and wise, and will be able to argue down all his adversaries.418 In Northern India people fancy that if you eat the eyeballs [pg 145] of an owl you will be able like an owl to see in the dark.419

Beliefs as to the homoeopathic magic of the flesh of dogs, tigers, etc

When the Kansas Indians were going to war, a feast used to be held in the chief's hut, and the principal dish was dog's flesh, because, said the Indians, the animal who is so brave that he will let himself be cut in pieces in defence of his master, must needs inspire valour.420 On extraordinary occasions the bravest warriors of the Dacotas used to perform a dance at which they devoured the livers of dogs raw and warm in order thereby to acquire the sagacity and bravery of the dog. The animals were thrown to them alive, killed, and cut open; then the livers were extracted, cut into strips, and hung on a pole. Each dancer grabbed at a strip of liver with his teeth and chewed and swallowed it as he danced: he might not touch it with his hands, only the medicine-man enjoyed that privilege. Women did not join in the dance.421 Men of the Buru and Aru Islands, East Indies, eat the flesh of dogs in order to be bold and nimble in war.422 Amongst the Papuans of the Port Moresby and Motumotu districts, New Guinea, young lads eat strong pig, wallaby, and large fish, in order to acquire the strength of the animal or fish.423 Some of the natives of Northern Australia fancy that by eating the flesh of the kangaroo or emu they are enabled to jump or run faster than before.424 The Miris of Assam prize tiger's flesh as food for men; it gives them strength and courage. But “it is not suited for women; it would make them too strong-minded.”425 In Corea the bones of tigers fetch a higher price than those of leopards as a means of inspiring courage. A Chinaman in Seoul bought and ate a whole tiger to make himself brave and fierce.426 The special seat of courage, according to the Chinese, is the gall-bladder; [pg 146] so they sometimes procure the gall-bladders of tigers and bears, and eat the bile in the belief that it will give them courage.427 Again, the Similkameen Indians of British Columbia imagine that to eat the heart of a bear inspires courage.428

Beliefs as to the homoeopathic magic of the flesh of wolves, bears, and serpents

In Norse legend, Ingiald, son of King Aunund, was timid in his youth, but after eating the heart of a wolf he became very bold; Hialto gained strength and courage by eating the heart of a bear and drinking its blood;429 and when Sigurd killed the dragon Fafnir and tasted his heart's blood, he acquired thereby a knowledge of the language of birds.430 The belief that the language of birds or of animals in general can be learned by eating some part of a serpent appears to be ancient and wide-spread. Democritus is reported to have said that serpents were generated from the mixed blood of certain birds, and that therefore whoever ate a serpent would understand the bird language.431 The Arabs in antiquity were supposed to be able to draw omens from birds because they had gained a knowledge of the bird language by eating either the heart or liver of a serpent; and the people of Paraka in India are said to have learned the language of animals in general by the same means.432 Saxo Grammaticus relates how Rollo acquired all knowledge, including an understanding of the speech of animals, both wild and tame, by eating of a black serpent.433 In Norway, Sweden, and Jutland down to the nineteenth century the flesh of a white snake was thought to confer supernatural wisdom on the eater;434 it is a German and Bohemian superstition that whoever eats serpent's flesh understands the language of animals.435 Notions of the same sort, based [pg 147] no doubt on a belief in the extraordinary wisdom or subtlety of the serpent, often meet us in popular tales and traditions.436

Various beliefs as to the homoeopathic magic of the flesh of animals

In Morocco lethargic patients are given ants to swallow, and to eat lion's flesh will make a coward brave;437 but people abstain from eating the hearts of fowls, lest thereby they should be rendered timid.438 When a child is late in learning to speak, the Turks of Central Asia will give it the tongues of certain birds to eat.439 A North American Indian thought that brandy must be a decoction of hearts and tongues, “because,” said he, “after drinking it I fear nothing, and I talk wonderfully.”440 In Java there is a tiny earthworm which now and then utters a shrill sound like that of the alarum of a small clock. Hence when a public dancing girl has screamed herself hoarse in the exercise of her calling, the leader of the troop makes her eat some of these worms, in the belief that thus she will regain her voice and will, after swallowing them, be able to scream as shrilly as ever.441 The people of Darfur, in Central Africa, think that the liver is the seat of the soul, and that a man may enlarge his soul by eating the liver of an animal. “Whenever an animal is killed its [pg 148] liver is taken out and eaten, but the people are most careful not to touch it with their hands, as it is considered sacred; it is cut up in small pieces and eaten raw, the bits being conveyed to the mouth on the point of a knife, or the sharp point of a stick. Any one who may accidentally touch the liver is strictly forbidden to partake of it, which prohibition is regarded as a great misfortune for him.” Women are not allowed to eat liver, because they have no soul.442

The flesh and blood, but especially the hearts, of dead men eaten or drunk for the sake of acquiring the good qualities of the dead

Again, the flesh and blood of dead men are commonly eaten and drunk to inspire bravery, wisdom, or other qualities for which the men themselves were remarkable, or which are supposed to have their special seat in the particular part eaten. Thus among the mountain tribes of South-Eastern Africa there are ceremonies by which the youths are formed into guilds or lodges, and among the rites of initiation there is one which is intended to infuse courage, intelligence, and other qualities into the novices. Whenever an enemy who has behaved with conspicuous bravery is killed, his liver, which is considered the seat of valour; his ears, which are supposed to be the seat of intelligence; the skin of his forehead, which is regarded as the seat of perseverance; his testicles, which are held to be the seat of strength; and other members, which are viewed as the seat of other virtues, are cut from his body and baked to cinders. The ashes are carefully kept in the horn of a bull, and, during the ceremonies observed at circumcision, are mixed with other ingredients into a kind of paste, which is administered by the tribal priest to the youths. By this means the strength, valour, intelligence, and other virtues of the slain are believed to be imparted to the eaters.443 When Basutos of the mountains have killed a very brave foe, they immediately cut out his heart and eat it, because this is supposed to give them his courage and strength in battle. At the close of the war the man who has slain such a foe is called before the chief and [pg 149] gets from the doctor a medicine which he chews with his food. The third day after this he must wash his body in running water, and at the expiry of ten days he may return to his wives and children.444 So an Ovambo warrior in battle will tear out the heart of his slain foe in the belief that by eating it he can acquire the bravery of the dead man.445 A similar belief and practice prevail among some of the tribes of British Central Africa, notably among the Angoni. These tribes also mutilate the dead and reduce the severed parts to ashes. Afterwards the ashes are stirred into a broth or gruel, “which must be ‘lapped’ up with the hand and thrown into the mouth, but not eaten as ordinary food is taken, to give the soldiers courage, perseverance, fortitude, strategy, patience and wisdom.”446 In former times whenever a Nandi warrior killed an enemy he used to eat a morsel of the dead man's heart to make himself brave.447 The Wagogo of German East Africa do the same thing for the same purpose.448 When Sir Charles M'Carthy was killed by the Ashantees in 1824, it is said that his heart was devoured by the chiefs of the Ashantee army, who hoped by this means to imbibe his courage. His flesh was dried and parcelled out among the lower officers for the same purpose, and his bones were long kept at Coomassie as national fetishes.449 The Amazons of Dahomey used to eat the hearts of foes remarkable for their bravery, in order that some of the intrepidity which animated them might be transfused into the eaters. In former days, if report may be trusted, the hearts of enemies who enjoyed a reputation for sagacity were also eaten, for the Ewe-speaking negro of these regions holds that the heart is the seat of the intellect as well as of courage.450 Among the Yoruba-speaking negroes of the Slave Coast the [pg 150] priests of Ogun, the war-god, usually take out the hearts of human victims, which are then dried, crumbled to powder, mixed with rum, and sold to aspirants after courage, who swallow the mixture in the belief that they thereby absorb the manly virtue of which the heart is supposed to be the seat.451 Similarly, Indians of the Orinoco region used to toast the hearts of their enemies, grind them to powder, and then drink the powder in a liquid in order to be brave and valiant the next time they went forth to fight.452 The Nauras Indians of New Granada ate the hearts of Spaniards when they had the opportunity, hoping thereby to make themselves as dauntless as the dreaded Castilian chivalry.453 The Sioux Indians of North America used to reduce to powder the heart of a valiant enemy and swallow the powder, hoping thus to appropriate the dead man's valour.454 The Muskoghees also thought that to eat the heart of a foe would “communicate and give greater heart against the enemy. They also think that the vigorous faculties of the mind are derived from the brain, on which account, I have seen some of their heroes drink out of a human skull; they imagine, they only imbibe the good qualities it formerly contained.”455 For a similar reason in Uganda a priest used to drink beer out of the skull of a dead king in order that he might be possessed by the king's spirit.456 Among the Esquimaux of Bering Strait, when young men had slain an enemy for the first time in war, they were wont to drink some of the blood and to eat a small piece of the heart of their victim in order to increase their bravery.457 In some tribes of North-Western Australia, when a man dies who had been a great warrior or hunter, [pg 151] his friends cut out the fat about his heart and eat it, because they believe that it imparts to them the courage and cunning of the deceased.458

Other parts than the heart are eaten for the purpose of acquiring the virtues of the deceased

But while the human heart is thus commonly eaten for the sake of imbuing the eater with the qualities of its original owner, it is not, as we have already seen, the only part of the body which is consumed for this purpose. Thus in New Caledonia the victors in a fight used to eat the bodies of the slain, “not, as might be supposed, from a taste for human flesh, but in order to assimilate part of the bravery which the deceased was supposed to possess.”459 Among the tribes about Maryborough in Queensland, when a man was killed in a ceremonial fight, it was customary for his friends to skin and eat him, in order that his warlike virtues might pass into the eaters.460 Warriors of the Theddora and Ngarigo tribes in South-Eastern Australia used to eat the hands and feet of their slain enemies, believing that in this way they acquired some of the qualities and courage of the dead.461 In the Dieri tribe of Central Australia, when a man had been condemned and killed by a properly constituted party of executioners, the weapons with which the deed was done were washed in a small wooden vessel, and the bloody mixture was administered to all the slayers in a prescribed manner, while they lay down on their backs and the elders poured it into their mouths. This was believed to give them double strength, courage, and great nerve for any future enterprise.462 The Kamilaroi of New South Wales ate the liver as well as the heart of a brave man to get his courage.463 In Tonquin also there is a popular superstition that the liver of a brave man makes brave any who partake of it. Hence when a Catholic missionary was beheaded in Tonquin in 1837, the executioner cut out the liver of his victim and ate part of [pg 152] it, while a soldier attempted to devour another part of it raw.464 With a like intent the Chinese swallow the bile of notorious bandits who have been executed.465 The Dyaks of Sarawak used to eat the palms of the hands and the flesh of the knees of the slain in order to steady their own hands and strengthen their own knees.466 The Tolalaki, notorious head-hunters of Central Celebes, drink the blood and eat the brains of their victims that they may become brave.467 The Italones of the Philippine Islands drink the blood of their slain enemies, and eat part of the back of their heads and of their entrails raw to acquire their courage. For the same reason the Efugaos, another tribe of the Philippines, suck the brains of their foes.468 In like manner the Kai of German New Guinea eat the brains of the enemies they kill in order to acquire their strength.469 Among the Kimbunda of Western Africa, when a new king succeeds to the throne, a brave prisoner of war is killed in order that the king and nobles may eat his flesh, and so acquire his strength and courage.470 The notorious Zulu chief Matuana drank the gall of thirty chiefs, whose people he had destroyed, in the belief that it would make him strong.471 It is a Zulu fancy that by eating the centre of the forehead and the eyebrow of an enemy they acquire the power of looking steadfastly at a foe.472 In Tud or Warrior Island, Torres Straits, men would drink the sweat of renowned warriors, and eat the scrapings from [pg 153] their finger-nails which had become coated and sodden with human blood. This was done “to make strong and like stone; no afraid.”473 In Nagir, another island of Torres Straits, in order to infuse courage into boys a warrior used to take the eye and tongue of a man whom he had killed, and after mincing them and mixing them with his urine he administered the compound to the boy, who received it with shut eyes and open mouth seated between the warrior's legs.474 Before every warlike expedition the people of Minahassa in Celebes used to take the locks of hair of a slain foe and dabble them in boiling water to extract the courage; this infusion of bravery was then drunk by the warriors.475 In New Zealand “the chief was an atua [god], but there were powerful and powerless gods; each naturally sought to make himself one of the former; the plan therefore adopted was to incorporate the spirits of others with their own; thus, when a warrior slew a chief, he immediately gouged out his eyes and swallowed them, the atua tonga, or divinity, being supposed to reside in that organ; thus he not only killed the body, but also possessed himself of the soul of his enemy, and consequently the more chiefs he slew the greater did his divinity become.”476

Moral virtues of the dead acquired through simple contact with their bones

Even without absorbing any part of a man's bodily substance it is sometimes thought possible to acquire his moral virtues through simple contact with his bones. Thus among the Toradjas of Central Celebes, when a youth is being circumcised he is made to sit on the skull of a slain foe in order to make him brave in war;477 and [pg 154] when Scanderbeg, Prince of Epirus, was dead, the Turks, who had often felt the force of his arm in battle, are said to have imagined that by wearing a piece of his bones near their heart they should be animated with a strength and valour like his.478 A peculiar form of communion with the dead is practised by the Gallas of Eastern Africa. They think that food from the house of a dead man, especially food that he liked, or that he cooked for himself, contains a portion of his life or soul. If at the funeral feast a man eats some of that food, he fancies that he has thereby absorbed some of the life or soul of the departed, a portion of his spirit, intelligence, or courage.479

387.See The Dying God, pp. 9 sqq.
388.James Adair, History of the American Indians (London, 1775), p. 133.
389.Alfred Simson, Travels in the Wilds of Ecuador (London, 1887), p. 168; id., in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, vii. (1878) p. 503.
390.A. Thevet, Les Singularitez de la France Antarctique, autrement nommée Amerique (Antwerp, 1558), p. 55; id., La Cosmographie Universelle (Paris, 1575), ii. pp. 929, [963], 940 [974]; J. Lerius, Historia Navigationis in Brasiliam, quae et America dicitur (1586), pp. 126 sq.
391.Rochefort, Histoire Naturelle et Morale des Iles Antilles, Seconde Edition (Rotterdam, 1665), p. 465.
392.C. Cuny, “De Libreville au Cameroun,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), vii. Série, xvii. (1896) p. 342.
393.R. Southey, History of Brazil, ii. (London, 1817) p. 373; id., iii. (London, 1819) p. 164.
394.P. Lozano, Descripcion Chorographica del Gran Chaco (Cordova, 1733), p. 90.
395.M. Dobrizhoffer, Historia de Abiponibus (Vienna, 1784), i. 289 sq.
396.J. Teit, The Thompson Indians of British Columbia, p. 348 (The Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Memoir of the American Museum of Natural History, April, 1900).
397.W. H. I. Bleek and C. L. Lloyd, Specimens of Bushman Folklore (London, 1911), pp. 271-275.
398.A. Bertrand, The Kingdom of the Barotsi, Upper Zambezia (London, 1899), p. 277, quoting the description given by the French missionary M. Coillard.
399.Theophilus Hahn, Tsuni-Goam, the Supreme Being of the Khoi-Khoi (London, 1881), p. 106.
400.W. H. I. Bleek and L. C. Lloyd, Specimens of Bushman Folklore (London, 1911), p. 373.
401.Rev. H. Cole, “Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 318.
402.Sir Harry Johnston, The Uganda Protectorate, Second Edition (London, 1904), ii. 787.
403.Rev. J. Macdonald, Light in Africa, Second Edition (London, 1890), p. 174; id., in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xix. (1890) p. 282.
404.Rev. H. Callaway, Religious System of the Amazulu, p. 438, note 16.
405.O. Baumann, Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete (Berlin, 1891), p. 128.
406.Sir H. H. Johnston, British Central Africa (London, 1897), p. 438; J. Buchanan, The Shire Highlands, p. 138.
407.M. W. H. Beech, The Suk, their Language and Folklore (Oxford, 1911), p. 11.
408.J. Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal and the Zulu Country (London, 1857), p. 399.
409.A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast of West Africa (London, 1890), p. 99.
410.M. Merker, Rechtsverhältnisse und Sitten der Wadschagga (Gotha, 1902), p. 38 (Petermanns Mitteilungen, Ergänzungsheft, No. 138).
411.Rev. H. Callaway, Nursery Tales, Traditions, and Histories of the Zulus (Natal and London, 1868), p. 175 note.
412.Ovid, Metam. vii. 271 sqq. As to the supposed longevity of deer and crows, see L. Stephani, in Compte Rendu de la Commission Archéologique (St. Petersburg), 1863, pp. 140 sq., and my note on Pausanias, viii. 10. 10.
413.Pliny, Nat. Hist. viii. 119.
414.Porphyry, De Abstinentia, ii. 48: οἱ γοῦν ζώων μαντικῶν ψυχὰς δέξασθαι βουλόμενοι εἰς ἑαυτούς, τὰ κυριώτατα μόρια καταπιόντες, οἷον καρδίας κοράκων ἢ ἀσπαλάκων ἢ ἱεράκων, ἔχουσι παριοῦσαν τὴν ψυχὴν καὶ χρηματίζουσαν ὡς θεὸν καὶ εἰσιοῦσαν εἰς αὐτοὺς ἄμα τῇ ἐνθέσει τῇ τοῦ σώματος. Pliny also mentions the custom of eating the heart of a mole, raw and palpitating, as a means of acquiring skill in divination (Nat. Hist. xxx. 19).
415.Spenser St. John, Life in the Forests of the Far East, Second Edition (London, 1863), i. 186, 206.
416.W. H. Furness, Home-life of Borneo Head-hunters (Philadelphia, 1902), p. 71; compare id., pp. 166 sq.
417.Rev. J. Batchelor, The Ainu and their Folk-lore (London, 1901), pp. 511-513.
418.Rev. J. Batchelor, op. cit. p. 337.
419.W. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-lore of Northern India (Westminster, 1896), i. 279.
420.Bossu, Nouveaux Voyages aux Indes occidentales (Paris, 1768), i. 112.
421.H. R. Schoolcraft, Indian Tribes of the United States, ii. (Philadelphia, 1853) pp. 79 sq.
422.J. G. F. Riedel, De sluik- en kroesharige rassen tusschen Selebes en Papua (The Hague, 1886), pp. 10, 262.
423.James Chalmers, Pioneering in New Guinea (London, 1887), p. 166.
424.Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxiv. (1895) p. 179.
425.E. T. Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal (Calcutta, 1872), p. 33.
426.Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society, N.S., viii. (1886) p. 307.
427.J. Henderson, “The Medicine and Medical Practice of the Chinese,” Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, New Series, i. (Shanghai, 1865) pp. 35 sq. Compare Mrs. Bishop, Korea and her Neighbours (London, 1898), i. 79.
428.Mrs. S. S. Allison, “Account of the Similkameen Indians of British Columbia,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxi. (1892) p. 313.
429.P. E. Müller on Saxo Grammaticus, Historia Danica (Copenhagen, 1839-1858), vol. ii. p. 60.
430.Die Edda, übersetzt von K. Simrock8 (Stuttgart, 1882), pp. 180, 309.
431.Pliny, Hist. Natur. x. 137, xxix. 72.
432.Philostratus, Vita Apollonii, i. 20, iii. 9.
433.Saxo Grammaticus, Historia Danica, ed. P. E. Müller (Copenhagen, 1839-1858), i. 193 sq.
434.P. E. Müller, note in his edition of Saxo Grammaticus, vol. ii. p. 146.
435.A. Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube2 (Berlin, 1869), p. 110, § 153; J. V. Grohmann, Aberglauben und Gebräuche aus Böhmen und Mähren (Prague and Leipsic, 1864), p. 230, § 1658.
436.Grimm, Kinder- und Hausmärchen, No. 17; id., Deutsche Sagen2 (Berlin, 1865-1866), No. 132 (vol. i. pp. 174-176); A. Kuhn und W. Schwartz, Norddeutsche Sagen, Märchen und Gebräuche (Leipsic, 1848), p. 154; A. Waldau, Böhmisches Märchenbuch (Prague, 1860), pp. 13 sqq.; Von Alpenburg, Mythen und Sagen Tirols (Zurich, 1857), pp. 302 sqq.; W. von Schulenburg, Wendische Volkssagen und Gebräuche aus dem Spreewald (Leipsic, 1880), p. 96; P. Sébillot, Traditions et Superstitions de la Haute-Bretagne (Paris, 1882), ii. 224; W. Grant Stewart, The Popular Superstitions and Festive Amusements of the Highlanders of Scotland, New Edition (London, 1851), pp. 53, 56; J. F. Campbell, Popular Tales of the West Highlands, New Edition (Paisley and London, 1890), No. 47, vol. ii. pp. 377 sqq.; E. Prym und A. Socin, Syrische Sagen und Maerchen (Göttingen, 1881), pp. 150 sq. On the serpent in relation to the acquisition by men of the language of animals, see further my article, “The Language of Animals,” The Archaeological Review, i. (1888) pp. 166 sqq. Sometimes serpents have been thought to impart a knowledge of the language of animals voluntarily by licking the ears of the seer. See Apollodorus, Bibliotheca, i. 9. 11 sq.; Porphyry, De abstinentia, iii. 4.
437.A. Leared, Morocco and the Moors (London, 1876), p. 281.
438.M. Quedenfelt, “Aberglaube und halb-religiöse Bruderschaft bei den Marokkanarn,” Verhandlungen der Berliner Gesellschaft für Anthropologie, Ethnologie und Urgeschichte, 1886, p. 682 (bound up with the Zeitschrift für Ethnologie, xviii. 1886).
439.H. Vambery, Das Türkenvolk (Leipsic, 1885), p. 218.
440.Charlevoix, Histoire de la Nouvelle France (Paris, 1744), vi. 8.
441.P. J. Veth, “De leer der Signatuur,” Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, vii. (1894) pp. 140 sq.
442.R. W. Felkin, “Notes on the For Tribe of Central Africa,” Proceedings of the Royal Society of Edinburgh, xiii. (1884-1886) p. 218.
443.Rev. J. Macdonald, “Manners, Customs, etc., of the South African Tribes,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xx. (1891) p. 116; id., Light in Africa (London, 1890), p. 212. Compare Rev. E. Casalis, The Basutos (London, 1861), pp. 257 sq.; Dudley Kidd, The Essential Kafir (London, 1904), p. 309.
444.Rev. J. Macdonald, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xx. (1891) p. 138; id., Light in Africa, p. 220.
445.H. Schinz, Deutsch Südwest-Afrika (Oldenburg and Leipsic, preface dated 1891), p. 320.
446.J. Macdonald, “East Central African Customs,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxii. (1893) p. 111. Compare J. Buchanan, The Shire Highlands, p. 138; Sir H. H. Johnston, British Central Africa (London, 1897), p. 438.
447.A. C. Hollis, The Nandi (Oxford, 1909), p. 27.
448.Rev. H. Cole, “Notes on the Wagogo of German East Africa,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 318.
449.Rev. J. L. Wilson, Western Africa (London, 1856), pp. 167 sq.
450.A. B. Ellis, The Ewe-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast (London, 1890), pp. 99 sq.
451.A. B. Ellis, The Yoruba-speaking Peoples of the Slave Coast (London, 1894), p. 69.
452.A. Caulin, Historia Coro-graphica natural y evangelica dela Nueva Andalucia (1779), p. 98.
453.A. de Herrera, General History of the vast Continent and Islands of America, translated by Capt. J. Stevens (London, 1725-1726), vi. 187.
454.F. de Castelnau, Expédition dans les parties centrales de l'Amérique du Sud (Paris, 1850-1851), iv. 382.
455.James Adair, History of the American Indians (London, 1775), p. 135.
456.Rev. J. Roscoe, “Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxi. (1901) pp. 129 sq.; id., “Further Notes on the Manners and Customs of the Baganda,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxxii. (1902) p. 45.
457.E. W. Nelson, “The Eskimo about Bering Strait,” Eighteenth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, Part i. (Washington, 1899) p. 328.
458.E. Clement, “Ethnographical Notes on the Western Australian Aborigines,” Internationales Archiv für Ethnographie, xvi. (1904) p. 8.
459.O. Opigez, “Aperçu général sur la Nouvelle-Calédonie,” Bulletin de la Société de Géographie (Paris), vii. Série, vii. (1886) p. 433.
460.A. W. Howitt, Native Tribes of South-East Australia (London, 1904), p. 753.
461.A. W. Howitt, op. cit. p. 752.
462.S. Gason, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxiv. (1895) p. 172.
463.Rev. W. Ridley, Kamilaroi (Sydney, 1875), p. 160.
464.Annales de la Propagation de la Foi, xi. (Lyons, 1838-1839) p. 258.
465.J. Henderson, “The Medicine and Medical Practice of the Chinese,” Journal of the North China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, New Series, i. (Shanghai, 1865) pp. 35 sq.
466.A. C. Kruyt, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja's van Midden-Celebes, en zijne Beteekenis,” Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Vierde Reeks, iii. (Amsterdam, 1899) p. 201.
467.N. Adriani en A. C. Kruijt, “Van Posso naar Mori,” Mededeelingen van wege het Nederlandsche Zendelinggenootschap, xliv. (1900) p. 162.
468.F. Blumentritt, “Der Ahnencultus und die religiösen Anschauungen der Malaien des Philippinen-Archipels,” Mittheilungen der Wiener Geograph. Gesellschaft, 1882, p. 154; id., Versuch einer Ethnographie der Philippinen (Gotha, 1882), p. 32 (Petermann's Mittheilungen, Ergänzungsheft, No. 67).
469.Ch. Keysser, “Aus dem Leben der Kaileute,” in R. Neuhauss's Deutsch Neu-Guinea, iii. (Berlin, 1911) p. 131.
470.L. Magyar, Reisen in Süd-Afrika in den Jahren 1849-1857 (Buda-Pesth and Leipsic, 1859), pp. 273-276.
471.Rev. J. Shooter, The Kafirs of Natal (London, 1857), p. 216.
472.Rev. H. Callaway, Nursery Tales, Traditions and Histories of the Zulus (Natal and London, 1868), p. 163 note.
473.A. C. Haddon, “The Ethnography of the Western Tribe of Torres Straits,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xix. (1890) p. 414, compare p. 312; Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904) p. 301.
474.A. C. Haddon, op. cit. p. 420; Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition to Torres Straits, v. (Cambridge, 1904) pp. 301 sq.
475.S. J. Hickson, A Naturalist in North Celebes (London, 1889), p. 216.
476.R. Taylor, Te Ika a Maui, or New Zealand and its Inhabitants, Second Edition (London, 1870), p. 352. Compare ibid. p. 173; W. Ellis, Polynesian Researches, Second Edition (London, 1831-1836), i. 358; J. Dumont D'Urville, Voyage autour du Monde et à la recherche de la Pérouse sur la corvette Astrolabe (Paris, 1832-1833), ii. 547; E. Tregear, “The Maoris of New Zealand,” Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xix. (1890) p. 108.
477.A. C. Kruyt, “Het koppensnellen der Toradja's van Midden-Celebes, en zijne Beteekenis,” Verslagen en Mededeelingen der koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letterkunde, Vierde Reeks, iii. (Amsterdam, 1899) p. 166.
478.The Spectator, No. 316, March 3, 1712; Gibbon, Decline and Fall, ch. lxvii.
479.Ph. Paulitschke, Ethnographie Nordost-Afrikas: die geistige Cultur der Danâkil, Galla und Somâl (Berlin, 1896), p. 56.
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