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[-41-] To that party these signs brought evil, while the others, so far as we know, were visited by no omen, but saw some such, visions as the following in dreams. A Thessalian dreamed that the former Caesar had bidden him tell Caesar that the battle would occur on the second day after that one, and that he should resume some of the insignia which his predecessor wore while dictator: Caesar therefore immediately put his father's ring on his finger and wore it often afterward. That was the vision which that man saw, whereas the physician who attended Caesar thought that Minerva enjoined him to lead his patient, though still in poor health, from his tent and place him in line of battle: and by this act he was saved. In most cases safety is the lot of such as remain in the camp and of those in the fortifications, while danger accompanies those who proceed into the midst of weapons and battles; but this was reversed in the case of Caesar. It was quite visibly the result of his leaving the rampart and mingling with the fighting men that he survived, although from sickness he stood with difficulty even without his arms.

[-42-] The engagement was of the following nature. No arrangement had been made as to when they should enter battle, yet as if by some compact they all armed themselves at dawn, advanced into the square intervening between them quite leisurely, as though they were competitors in games, and there were quietly marshaled. When they stood opposed advice was given partly to the entire bodies and partly to individuals of both forces by the generals and lieutenants and subalterns. They made many suggestions touching the immediate danger and many adapted to the future, words such as men would speak who were to encounter danger on the moment and were endeavoring to anticipate troubles to come. For the most part the speeches were very similar, inasmuch as on both sides alike there were Romans together with allies. Still, there was a difference. The officers of Brutus offered their men the prizes of liberty and democracy, of freedom from tyrants and freedom from masters; they pointed out to them the excellencies of equality in government, and all the unfairness of monarchy that they themselves had experienced or had heard in other cases; they called to the attention of the soldiers the separate details of each system and besought them to strive for the one, and to take care not to endure the other. The opposing officers urged their army to take vengeance on the assassins, to possess the property of their antagonists, to be filled with a desire to rule all of their race, and (the clause which inspired them most) they promised to give them five thousand denarii apiece. [-43-] Thereupon they first sent around their watchwords,—the followers of Brutus using "Liberty," and the others whatever happened to be given out,—and then one trumpeter on each side sounded the first note, followed by the blare of the remainder. Those in front sounded the "at rest" and the "ready" signal on their trumpets in a kind of circular spot, and then the rest came in who were to rouse the spirit of the soldier and incite them to the onset. Then there was suddenly a great silence, and after waiting a little the leaders issued a clear command and the lines on both sides joined in a shout. After that with a yell the heavy-armed dashed their spears against their shields and hurled the former at each other, while the slingers and the archers sent their stones and missiles. Then the two bodies of cavalry trotted forward and the contingents shielded with breastplates following behind joined in hand to hand combat. [-44-] They did a great deal of pushing and a great deal of stabbing, looking carefully at first to see how they should wound others and not be wounded themselves; they desired both to kill their antagonists and to save themselves. Later, when their charge grew fiercer and their spirit flamed up, they rushed together without stopping to consider, and paid no more attention to their own safety, but would even sacrifice themselves in their eagerness to destroy their adversaries. Some threw away their shields and seizing hold of those arrayed opposite them either strangled³⁶ them in their helmets and struck them from the rear, or snatched away their defence in front and delivered a stroke on their breasts. Others took hold of their swords and then ran their own into the bodies of the men opposite, who had been made as good as unarmed. And some by exposing some part of their bodies to be wounded could use the rest more readily. Some clutched each other in an embrace that prevented the possibility of striking, but they perished in the intertwining of swords and bodies. Some died of one blow, others of many, and neither had any perception of their wounds, dying too soon to feel pain, nor lamented their taking off, because they did not reach the point of expressing grief. One who killed another thought in the excessive joy of the moment that he could never die. Whoever fell lost consciousness and had no knowledge of his state. [-45-] Both sides remained stubbornly in their places and neither side retired or pursued, but there, just as they were, they wounded and were wounded, slew and were slain, until late in the day. And if all had contested with all, as may happen under such circumstances, or if Brutus had been arrayed against Antony and Cassius against Caesar, they would have proved equally matched. As it was, Brutus forced the invalid Caesar from his path, while Antony overruled Cassius, who was by no means his equal in warfare. At this juncture, because not all were conquering the other side at once, but both parties were in turn defeated and victorious, the results³⁷ were practically the same. Both had conquered and had been defeated, each had routed their adversaries and had been routed, pursuits and flights had fallen to the lot of both alike and the camps on both sides had been captured. As they were many they occupied a large expanse of plain, so that they could not see each other distinctly. In the battle each one could recognize only what was opposite him, and when the rout took place each side fled the opposite way to its own fortifications, situated at a distance from each other, without stopping to look back. Because of this fact and of the immeasurable quantity of dust that rose they were ignorant of the termination of the battle, and those who had conquered thought they had been victorious over everything, and those who were defeated deemed they had been worsted everywhere. They did not learn what had happened until the ramparts had been laid in ruins, and the victors on each side on retiring to their own head-quarters encountered each other.

[-46-] So far, then, as the battle was concerned, both sides both conquered thus and were defeated. At this time they did not resume the conflict, but as soon as they had retired and beheld each other and recognized what had taken place, they both withdrew, not venturing anything further. They had beaten and had proved inferior to each other. This was shown first by the fact that the entire ramparts of Caesar and Antony and everything within them had been captured. (That proved practically the truth of the dream, for if Caesar had remained in his place, he would certainly have perished with the rest.) It was shown again in the fate of Cassius. He came away safe from the battle, but stripped of his fortifications he had fled to a different spot, and suspecting that Brutus, too, had been defeated and that several of the victors were hastening to attack him he made haste to die. He had sent a certain centurion to view the situation and report to him where Brutus was and what he was doing. This man fell in with some horsemen whom Brutus had dispatched to seek his colleague, turned back with them and proceeded leisurely, with the idea that there was hurry, because no danger presented itself. Cassius, seeing them afar off, suspected they were enemies and ordered Pindarus, a freedman, to kill him. The centurion on learning that his leader's death was due to his dilatoriness slew himself upon his body.

[-47-] Brutus immediately sent the body of Cassius secretly to Thasos. He shrank from burying it upon the ground, for fear the army would be filled with grief and dejection at sight of the preparations. The remainder of his friend's soldiers he took under his charge, consoled them in a speech, won their devotion by a gift of money to make up for what they had lost, and then transferred his position to their enclosure, which was more suitable. From there he started out to harass his opponents in various ways, especially by assaulting their camp at night. He had no intention of joining issue with them again in a set battle, but had great hopes of overcoming them without danger by the lapse of time. Hence he tried regularly to startle them in various ways and disturb them by night, and once by diverting the course of the river he washed away considerable of their wall. Caesar and Antony were getting short of both food and money, and consequently gave their soldiers nothing to replace what had been seized and carried off. Furthermore, the force that was sailing to them in transports from Brundusium had been destroyed by Staius. Yet they could not safely transfer their position to any other quarter nor return to Italy, and so, even as late as this, they set all their hopes upon their weapons,—hopes not merely of victory but even of preservation. They were eager to meet the danger before the naval disaster became noised abroad among their opponents and their own men. [-48-] As Brutus evinced an unwillingness to meet them in open fight, they somehow cast pamphlets over his palisade, challenging his soldiers either to embrace their cause (promises being attached) or to come into conflict if they had the least particle of strength. During this delay some of the Celtic force deserted from their side to Brutus, and Amyntas, the general of Deiotarus, and Rhascuporis deserted to them. The latter, as some say, immediately returned home. Brutus was afraid, when this happened, that there might be further similar rebellion and decided to join issue with them. And since there were many captives in his camp, and he neither had any way to guard them during the progress of the battle, and could not trust them to refrain from doing mischief, he despatched the majority of them, contrary to his own inclination, being a slave in this matter to necessity; but he was the more ready to do it because of the fact that his opponents had killed such of his soldiers as had been taken alive. After doing this he armed his men for battle. When the opposing ranks were arrayed, two eagles that flew above the heads of the two armies battled together and indicated to the combatants the outcome of the war. The eagle on the side of Brutus was beaten and fled: and similarly his heavy-armed force, after a contest for the most part even, was defeated, and then when many had fallen his cavalry, though it fought nobly, gave way. Thereupon the victors pursued them, as they fled, this way and that, but neither killed nor captured any one; and then they kept watch of the separate contingents during the night and did not allow them to unite again.

[-49-] Brutus, who had reached in flight a steep and lofty spot, undertook to break through in some way to the camp. In this he was unsuccessful, and on learning that some of his soldiers had made terms with the victors he had no further hope, but despairing of safety and disdaining capture he himself also took refuge in death. He uttered aloud this sentence of Heracles:

 
"Unhappy Virtue, thou wert but a name, while I,
Deeming thy godhead real, followed thee on,
Who wert but Fortune's slave."³⁸
 

Then he called one of the bystanders to kill him. His body received burial by Antony,—all but his head, which was sent to Rome: but as the ships encountered a storm during the voyage across from Dyrrachium that was thrown into the sea. At his death the mass of his soldiers, on amnesty being proclaimed for them, immediately transferred their allegiance. Portia perished by swallowing red-hot charcoal. Most of the prominent men who had held any offices or belonged to the assassins or the proscribed, straightway killed themselves, or, like Favonius, were captured and destroyed: the remainder at this time escaped to the sea and thereafter joined Sextus.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY
48

The following is contained in the Forty-eighth of Dio's Rome:

How Caesar contended with Fulvia and Lucius Antonius (chapters 1-16).

How Sextus Pompey occupied Sicily (chapters 17-23).

How the Parthians occupied the country to the edge of the Hellespont (chapters 24-26).

How Caesar and Antony reached an agreement with Sextus (chapters 27-38).

How Publius Ventidius conquered the Parthians and recovered Asia (chapters 39-42).

How Caesar began to make war upon Sextus (chapters 43-48).

About Baiae (chapters 49-54).

Duration of time five years, in which there were the following magistrates here enumerated:

L. Antonius M. F. Pietas, P. Servilius P. F. Isauricus consul (II).(B.C. 41 = a. u. 713.)

Cn. Domitius M. F Calvinus [consul] (II), C. Asinius|| Cn. F. Pollio.

(B.C. 40 = a. u. 714.)

L. Marcius L. F. Censorinus, C. Calvisius||³⁹ C. F. Sabinus. (B.C. 39 = a. u. 715.)

Appius Claudius C. F. Pulcher, C. Norbanus C. F. Flaccus. (B.C. 38 = a. u. 716.)

M. Vipsanius L. F. Agrippa, L. Caninius L. F. Gallus. (B.C. 37 = a. u. 717.)

(BOOK 48, BOISSEVAIN.)

[B.C. 42(a. u.712)]

[-1-] So perished Brutus and Cassius, slain by the swords with which they had despatched Caesar. The rest also who had shared in the plot against him were all except a very few destroyed, some previously, some at this time, and some subsequently. Justice and the Divine Will seemed to sweep onward and lead forward to such a fate the men who had killed their benefactor, one who had attained such eminence in both excellence and good fortune. Caesar and Antony for the moment secured an advantage over Lepidus, because he had not shared the victory with them; yet they were destined ere long to turn their arms against each other. It is a difficult matter for three men or two that are equal in rank and have come into power over such vast interests as a result of war to be of one accord. Hence, whatever they had gained for a time while in harmony for the purpose of the overthrow of their adversaries they now began to set up as prizes in their rivalry with each other. They immediately redistributed the empire, so that Spain and Numidia fell to Caesar, Gaul and Africa to Antony; they further agreed that in case Lepidus showed any vexation at this Africa should be evacuated for him. [-2-] This was all they could allot between them, since Sextus was still occupying Sardinia and Sicily, and other regions outside of Italy were in a state of turmoil. About the peninsula itself I need say nothing, for it has always remained a kind of choice exception in such divisions: and not even now did they talk as if they were struggling to obtain it, but to defend it. So, leaving these other regions to be common property, Antony took it upon himself to settle affairs of nations that had fought against them and to collect the money which had been offered to the soldiers in advance: Caesar was charged with curtailing the power of Lepidus, if he should make any hostile move, with conducting the war against Sextus, and with assigning to those of his campaigners who had passed the age limit the land which he had promised them; and these he forthwith dismissed. Furthermore he sent with Antony two legions of his followers, and his colleague sent word that he would give him in return an equal number of those stationed at that tune in Italy. After making these compacts separately, putting them in writing, and sealing them, they exchanged the documents, to the end that if any transgression were committed, it might be proved from the very records. Thereupon Antony set out for Asia and Caesar for Italy. [-3-] Sickness attacked the latter violently on the journey and during the voyage, giving rise in Rome to an expectation of his death. They did not believe, however, that he was lingering so much by reason of ill health as because he was devising some harm, and consequently they expected to fall victims to every possible persecution. Yet they voted to these men many honors for their victory, such as would have been given assuredly to the others, had they conquered; in such crises it is ever the case that all trample on the loser and honor the victor; and in particular they decided, though against their will, to celebrate thanksgivings during practically the entire year. This Caesar ordered them outright to do in gratitude for vengeance upon the assassins. At any rate during his delay all sorts of stories were current, and all sorts of behavior resulted. For example, some spread a report that he was dead, and aroused delight in many breasts: others said he was planning some evil, and filled numerous persons with fear. Therefore some hid their property and took care to protect themselves, and others considered in what way they might make their escape. Others, and the majority, not being able to apprehend anything clearly by reason of their excessive fear, prepared to meet a certain doom. The confident element was extremely small, and its numbers few. In the light of the former frequent and diverse destruction of both persons and possessions they expected that anything similar or still worse might happen, because now they had been utterly vanquished. Wherefore Caesar, in dread that they might take some rebellious step, especially since Lepidus was there, forwarded a letter to the senate urging its members to be of good cheer, and further promising that he would do everything in a mild and humane way, after the manner of his father.

[B.C. 41 (a. u.713)]

[-4-] This was what then took place. The succeeding year Publius Servilius and Lucius Antonius nominally became consuls, but in reality it was the latter and Fulvia. She, the mother-in-law of Caesar and wife of Antony, had no respect for Lepidus because of his slothfulness, and herself managed affairs, so that neither the senate nor the people dared transact any business contrary to her pleasure. Actually, when Lucius himself was anxious to have a triumph over certain peoples dwelling in the Alps, on the ground that he had conquered them, for a time Fulvia opposed him and no one would grant it; but when her favor was courted and she permitted it, all voted for the measure: therefore it was nominally Antonius … over the people whom he said he had vanquished (in reality he had done nothing deserving a triumph nor had any command at all in those regions),—but in truth Fulvia …⁴⁰ and had the procession. And she assumed a far prouder bearing over the affair than did he, because she had a truer cause; to give any one authority to hold a triumph was greater than to celebrate it by securing the privilege from another. Except that Lucius donned the triumphal apparel, mounted the chariot, and performed the other rites customary in such cases, Fulvia herself seemed to be giving the spectacle, employing him as her assistant. It took place on the first day of the year, and Lucius, just as Marius had done, exulted in the circumstance that he held it on the first day of the month that he began to be consul. Moreover he exalted himself even above his predecessor, saying that he had voluntarily laid aside the decorations of the procession and had assembled the senate in his street dress, whereas Marius had done it unwillingly. He added that the latter had received a crown from almost nobody, whereas he obtained many, and particularly from the people, tribe by tribe, as had never been the case with any former triumphator. (It was done by the aid of Fulvia and by the money which he had secretly given some persons to spend.)

[-5-] It was in this year that Caesar arrived in Rome, and, after taking the usual steps to celebrate the victory, turned his attention to the administration and despatch of business. For Lepidus through fear of him and out of his general weakness of heart had not rebelled; and Lucius and Fulvia, on the supposition that they were relatives and sharers in his supremacy were quiet,—at least at first. As time went on they became at variance, the persons just mentioned because they did not get a share in the portion of lands to be assigned which belonged to Antony, and Caesar because he did not get back his troops from the other two. Hence their kinship by marriage was dissolved and they were brought to open warfare. Caesar would not endure the domineering ways of his mother-in-law, and, choosing to appear to be at odds with her rather than with Antonius, sent back her daughter, whom he declared on oath to be still a virgin. In pursuing such a course he was careless whether it should be thought that the woman had remained a virgin in his house so long a time for common-place reasons, or whether it should seem that he had planned the situation considerably in advance, as a measure of preparation for the future. After this action there was no longer any friendship between them. Lucius together with Fulvia attempted to get control of affairs, pretending to be doing this in behalf of Marcus, and would yield to Caesar on no point: therefore on account of his devotion to his brother he took the additional title of Pietas. Caesar naturally found no fault with Marcus, not wishing to alienate him while he was attending to the nations in Asia, but reproached and resisted the pair, giving out that they were behaving in all respects contrary to their brother's desire and were eager for individual supremacy.

[-6-] In the land allotments both placed the greatest hope of power, and consequently the beginning of their quarrel was concerned with them. Caesar for his part wished to distribute the territory to all such as had made the campaign with himself and Antony, according to the compact made with them after the victory, that by so doing he might win their good-will: the others demanded to receive the assignment that appertained to their party and settle the cities themselves, in order that they might get the power of these settlements on their side. It seemed to both to be the simplest method to grant the land of the unarmed to those who had participated in the conflict. Contrary to their expectation great disturbance resulted and the matter took the aspect of a war. For at first Caesar was for taking from the possessors and giving to the veterans all of Italy (except what some old campaigner had received as a gift or bought from the government and was now holding), together with the bands of slaves and other wealth. The persons deprived of their property were terribly enraged against him, and caused a change of policy. Fulvia and the consul now hoped to find more power in the cause of the others, the oppressed, and consequently neglected those who were to receive the fields, but turned their attention to that party which was of greater numbers and was animated by a righteous indignation at the deprivation they were suffering. Next they took some of them individually, aided and united them, so that the men who were before afraid of Caesar now that they had got leaders became courageous and no longer gave up any of their property: they thought that Marcus, too, would approve their course. [-7-] Among these, therefore, Lucius and Fulvia secured a following, and still made no assault upon the adherents of Caesar. Their attitude was not that there was no need for the soldiers to receive allotments, but they maintained that the goods of their adversaries in the combat were sufficient for them; especially they pointed out lands and furniture, some still being held intact, others that had been sold, of which they declared the former ought to be given to the men outright and in the second case the price realized should be presented to them. If even this did not satisfy them, they tried to secure the affection of them all by holding out hopes in Asia. In this way it quickly came about that Caesar, who had forcibly robbed the possessors of any property and caused troubles and dangers on account of it to all alike, found himself disliked by both parties; whereas the other two, since they took nothing from anybody and showed those who were to receive the gifts a way to the fulfillment of the pledges from already existing assets and without a combat, won over each of the bodies of men. As a result of this and through the famine which was trying them greatly at this time, because the sea off Sicily was in control of Sextus, and the Ionian Gulf was in the grasp of Gnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbus, Caesar found himself in a considerable dilemma. For Domitius was one of the assassins, and, having escaped from the battle fought at Philippi, he had got together a small fleet, had made himself for a time master of the Gulf, and was doing the greatest damage to the cause of his opponents.

[-8-] There was not only this to trouble Caesar greatly but also the fact that in the disputes which had been inaugurated between the ex-soldiers and the senators as well as the rest of the multitude that possessed lands,—and these proved very numerous because the contestants were struggling for the greatest interests,—he could not attach himself to either side without danger. It was impossible for him to please both. The one side wished to run riot, the other to be unharmed: the one side to get the other's property, the other to hold what belonged to it. As often as he gave the preference to the interests of this party or that, according as he found it necessary, he incurred the hatred of the others: and he did not meet with so much gratitude for the favors he conferred as with anger for what he failed to yield. Those benefited took all that was given them as their due and regarded it as no kindness, and the opposite party was wrathful because robbed of their own belongings. And as a result he continued to offend either this group or the other, at one time reproached with being a friend of the people and again with being a friend of the army. He could make no headway, and further learned by actual experience that arms had no power to hold those injured friendly toward him, and that it was possible for all such as would not submit to perish by the use of weapons, but out of the question for any one to be forced to love a person whom he will not. After this, though reluctantly, he stopped taking anything from the senators; previously he used to deem it his right to distribute everything that was theirs, asking seriously: "From what source else shall we pay the prizes of war to those who have served?"—as if any one had commanded him to wage war or to make such great promises. He also kept his hands off the valuables,—whatever costly objects women had for dowries, or others had less in value than the land individually given to the old soldiers. [-9-] When this was done the senate and the rest, finding nothing taken from them, became fairly resigned to his rule, but the veterans were indignant, regarding his sparingness and the honor shown to the others to be their own dishonor and loss, since they were to receive less. They killed not a few of the centurions and the other intimates of Caesar who tried to restrain them from mutiny, and came very near compassing their leader's own destruction, using every plausible excuse possible for their anger. They did not cease their irritation till the land that belonged to their relatives and the fathers and sons of those fallen in battle but was held by somebody else was granted to these three classes freely. This measure caused the soldier element to become somewhat more conciliatory, but that very thing produced vexation again among the people. The two used to come in conflict and there was continual fighting amongst them, so that many were wounded and killed on both sides alike. The one party was superior by being equipped with weapons and having experience in wars, and the other by its numbers and the ability to pelt opponents from the roofs. Owing to this a number of houses were burned down, and to those dwelling in the city rent was entirely remitted to the extent of five hundred denarii, while for those in the rest of Italy it was reduced a fourth for one year. For they used to fight in all the cities alike, wherever they fell in with each other.

[-10-] When this took place constantly and soldiers sent ahead by Caesar into Spain made a kind of uprising at Placentia and did not come to order until they received money from the people there, and they were furthermore hindered from crossing the Alps by Calenus and Ventidius, who held Farther Gaul, Caesar became afraid that he might meet with some disaster and began to wish to be reconciled with Fulvia and the consul. He could not accomplish anything by sending messages personally and with only his own authorization, and so went to the veterans and through them attempted to negotiate a settlement. Elated at this they took charge of those who had lost their land, and Lucius went about in every direction uniting them and detaching them from Caesar, while Fulvia occupied Praeneste, had senators and knights for her associates, and was wont to conduct all her deliberations with their help, even sending orders to whatever points required it. Why should any one be surprised at this, when she was girt with a sword, and used to pass the watchwords to the soldiers, yes, often harangued them,—an additional means of giving offence to Caesar? [-11-] The latter, however, had no way to overthrow them, being far inferior to them not only in troops, but in good-will on the part of the population; for he caused many distress, whereas they filled every one with hope. He had often privately through friends proposed reconciliation to them, and when he accomplished nothing, he sent envoys from the number of the veterans to them. He expected by this stroke pretty surely to obtain his request, to adjust present difficulties, and to gain a strength equal to theirs for the future. And even though he should fail of these aims, he expected that not he but they would bear the responsibility for their quarrel. This actually took place. When he effected nothing even through the soldiers, he despatched senators, showing them the covenants made between himself and Antony, and offering the envoys as arbitrators of the differences. But his opponents in the first place made many counter-propositions, demands with which Caesar was sure not to comply, and again, in respect to everything that they did said they were doing it by the orders of Mark Antony. So that when nothing was gained in this way either, he betook himself once more to the veterans. [-12-] Thereupon these assembled in Rome in great numbers, with the avowed intention of making some communication to the people and the senate. But instead of troubling themselves about this errand they collected on the Capitol and commanded that the compacts which Antony and Caesar made be read to them. They ratified these agreements and voted that they should be made arbitrators of the differences existing. After recording these acts on tablets and sealing them they delivered them to the vestal virgins to keep. To Caesar, who was present, and to the other party by an embassy they gave orders to meet for adjudication at Gabii on a stated day. Caesar showed his readiness to submit to arbitration, and the others promised to put in an appearance, but out of fear or else perhaps disdain did not come. (For they were wont to make fun of the warriors, calling them among other names senatus caligatus on account of their use of military boots.) So they condemned Lucius and Fulvia as guilty of some injustice, and gave precedence to the cause of Caesar. After this, when the latter's adversaries had deliberated again and again, they took up the war once more and did not make ready for it in any quiet fashion. Chief among their measures was to secure money from sources, even from temples. They took away all the votive offerings that could be turned into bullion, those deposited in Rome itself as well as those in the rest of Italy that was under their control. Both money and soldiers came to them also from Gallia Togata, which had been included by this time in the domain of Italy, to the end that no one else, under the plea that it was a single district, should keep soldiers south of the Alps.