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DOCUMENTS
The following letter was addressed to the City Council of Washington, D.C., July 15, 1833, by Joseph Jefferson, Sr., and Mr. Mackenzie, managers of the Washington Theatre.697
Dear Sir:
"Permit us to take the liberty of representing to you a burden that oppresses us most heavily, and of requesting your kind endeavors so to represent the case before the mayor and council that we may obtain all the relief that it is in their power to grant.
"You must be aware that we pay nightly to the city a tax of $6 for permission to perform in the theater; in the year 1832 this amounted to nearly $1,400 in the aggregate; we pay this tax cheerfully, and all we ask in return is a liberal protection and support from the city authorities.
"There is at present a law in force which authorizes the constables of the city to arrest the colored people if on the street after 9 o'clock without a pass. A great proportion of our audience consists of persons of this caste, and they are consequently deterred from giving us that support that they would otherwise do.
"Can there be any modification of that law suggested, or will the mayor and council authorize us to give passes to those colored persons who leave the theatre for the purpose of proceeding directly to their homes?
"In the city of Baltimore, where we have a theatre, and pay a smaller license than we do here, the law, as regards the colored people, is not acted upon when they are coming or going to the theatre.
"In a pecuniary point of view, we look upon this law as a detriment to us of $10 nightly, and we have great reason to hope that a law that rests so heavily upon us alone may meet with the kind consideration of the mayor and council, and be so modified as to relieve us from the heavy loss that it causes us at present to incur.
"We have the honor to be, dear sir, your obedient servants,
"Jefferson & Mackenzie,"Managers of the Washington Theater."
Lee, Mass. April 23, 1917.
Carter G. Woodson,
Editor, Journal of Negro History,
Washington, D. C.
Dear Sir:
The enclosed tracing of a manuscript in my possession may, or may not be of interest enough to publish in your magazine. The Ms. came into my hands in the autumn of 1863 while I was serving in the ranks of the 10th Mass. Inf. At that time the regiment was stationed at Bristoe Station, on the R. R. between Alexandria and Fredericksburg. A detail which had been sent to Prince William Court House at Brentsville for some purpose brought to our camp some manuscripts, among them that from which the tracing has been made, and which I thought of interest enough to preserve.
Yours very truly,(Signed) D. M. Wilcox.
A Marriage Contract made this 12th day of January in the Year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and Fifty six Between John Brunskill of the Parish of Hamilton and County of Prince Willm Clerk, and Edward Humston of the above said Parish and County Witnesseth that the sd John—Brunskill doth Contract & agree with the said Humston, that he the said John Brunskill will have to his wife Ann Humston, daughter to the said Edward Humston and in Consideration of which the said Humston doth agree to & with the said Brunskill that he the said Humston will at the day of Marriage Lend unto the sd Ann Humston as a Maintenance during her life The Following Negroes, To wit, Jude, Lucy & three children John, Mary and Betty, and also one Negroe man named Tom, Jun. on proviso yt the said Brunskill doth pay unto ye said Humston ten pounds P Ann for four years in Consideration of the hire of the said Negroes, And at her ye said Ann Humstons death ye sd Negroes to fall to her Eldest son by the ye sd Brunskill but if she shou'd not have a son by the said Brunskill they are to fall Heir by the sd Brunskill they are to fall to her Eldest Daughter by the said Brunskill, but if she should die without Heir by the sd Brunskill they are at the Death of her and the said Brunskill to fall to the Heir at Law. And for the Performance of the above Contract. We do bind ourselves our heirs &c. Either to other in the Penal sum Of five hundred Pounds Sterlg. In witness whereof We have set our hands & seals the day and Year above Written—
Edward Humston (L.S.)
John Brunskill Junr (L.S.)Tho. Marshall
his
John X Warring
Mark
At a Court held for prince William County the 22. of March 1756 This Marriage Contract was proved by the oaths of the witnesses hereto & ordered to be recorded.
Test John Graham Clerk.
Letters on Reconstruction Records
Tuskegee Institute, Alabama.July 3, 1920.
Dr. C. G. Woodson,
1216 U Street, N. W.,
Washington, D. C.
My Dear Dr. Woodson:
Attached are names of additional Negro members of the North and South Carolina legislatures and a letter from Mrs. M.E. Richardson about an additional member of the Alabama legislature. Attached also is a letter by Mr. John W. Cromwell. These should be published in the Journal. Kindly publish the same in the Journal, under documents and oblige,
Yours very truly,(Signed) Monroe N. Work.Monroe N. Work,Editor, Negro Year Book.
MNW/FEH
Three enclosures.
To the Editor of The Planet:
Will you for the sake of history allow this communication in your columns? It has been repeatedly charged that we have no racial history. If we are challenged with respect to certain events we admit the imputation by our silence. A different course would correct much error. The Journal of Negro History for January has rendered a very great service by publishing the names and number of Negroes who have been members of their respective State Legislatures since the Civil War reconstruction. It was interesting and informative to note the names and numbers of members of our race from these different States.
When it came to Virginia the contrast was most painful. To behold the absence of detailed information similar to that supplied the other States, from North Carolina to Florida, from the Atlantic to the Rio Grande. For a time I felt like disowning that Virginia was my native State. Finally the obligation incumbent on all those who have lived in Virginia during the last fifty years or familiar with its history asserted itself, hence I begin but I must acknowledge my sense of gratitude to Rev. G. F. Bragg, Jr., who in the current number of The Journal of Negro History has contributed from his recollection and given names of members whom he knew.
Most of these are recollected by Professor Cromwell and those with the asterisk are furnished by others.
Rev. Mr. Bragg mentions those whom I do not recall:
A. A. Dodson was another from Mecklenburg, a senator as I remember. I have a vague recollection that Tazewell Branch was at one time a member, also that Nansemond county sent a representative.
I make no claim to accuracy in every case, but unless there is specific contradiction I will claim these named as men who played an honorable though an humble part in framing the laws of the commonwealth which has given eight Presidents to our Republic. I will be glad to hear from any one who can give further information on this subject.
Respectfully yours(Signed) J. W. Cromwell1429 Swann St., N. W.May 13, 1920.
Washington, D. C.July 6, 1920.Dr. C. G. Woodson
Journal of Negro History.
Sir:
In addition to the Negro members in the Virginia legislature mentioned in my letter published in the Richmond (Va.) Planet of June. There should be included,—
This makes the number forty-nine (49)
Respectfully yours,(Signed) J. W. Cromwell.Tuskegee Institute AlabamaMay 13, 1920.
Mr. M. N. Work,
Department Records and Research,
Tuskegee Institute, Alabama.
Dear Mr. Work:
In looking through the last number of The Journal of Negro History, I note that you are asking for information concerning those Negroes who were members of the State Legislatures during reconstruction days, just following the Civil War.
I do not know if it has already been called to your attention or not, but my grandfather, Shandy Jones, was at that time a member of the Alabama Legislature. I do not know the year, but think I can get the dates for you if it is of interest to you.
His early life was spent in Tuscaloosa, Alabama. He was a very successful business man, barber by trade. His later life was actively spent in church work. He was presiding elder in the A. M. E. Z. church and was nominated for bishop, but his age was an obstacle.
He lived in Mobile, Alabama at the time of his death at 70 years. He was still in the ministry at this time.
Very truly,(Signed) Mrs. M. E. Richardson.
245 West 139th St.,New York City,July 22, 1920.
Carter G. Woodson, Ph.D.,
Editor The Journal of Negro History,
1216 You St., N. W.,
Washington, D. C.
Dear Sir:
You have presented the matter of the Reconstruction Period in splendid shape and no doubt it will be read with much interest especially by the few "old timers" who can recall those halcyon days.
There are some errors I would like to correct and a few additions I would like to make as it was not my intention to slight any person engaged in that laudable work of making Negro history, and I would like to know at your earliest convenience if there will be time before the July number goes to press. There is just one error I want to correct now and that is relative to myself. In the foot notes it is stated that I was a page in the House of Representatives in the Reconstruction Period. I do not know how Mr. Work made the error as there is nothing in my retained carbon copies to show that I gave him that information. It was my brother, Dr. J. E. Wallace, now with the Standard Insurance Company of Atlanta who occupied that position. I certainly would have preferred that job as it was more remunerative than the one I held. I was employed in the post office at Columbia, S. C., from March 1, 1871 to August 15, 1886, when I resigned under the democratic postmaster, Major W. H. Gibbes, notwithstanding the fact that he requested me to continue in the position. It was owing to my position that I came in contact with the prominent people from all over the State and was thus enabled to get much information that has helped me greatly in compiling the data. Handling the mail for several years of these Reconstructionists made me quite familiar with their names and as the impressions of youth are lasting they remained with me.
As I understand it the Reconstruction Period is from the close of the civil war to April 20, 1877, when the United States troops were withdrawn from the New Orleans, La., state house, the troops having been withdrawn from the state house in Columbia, S.C., April 10, 1877. Therefore data since then would not be considered as belonging to the Reconstruction Period.
Very Respectfully,(Signed) Henry A. Wallace.245 West 139th St.,New York City,August 6, 1920.Dr. Carter G. Woodson
1216 You St., N. W.,
Washington, D. C.
Dear Sir:
In looking over the data published in the January number of The Journal of Negro History relative to the Reconstruction period in South Carolina I find several errors which I would be glad to have you correct in the next number:
Page 81—The christian name of Senator Bird is Israel.
Page 83—The initials of Fraser, representative from Colleton County are W. H.
Page 84—Aaron Logan was from Charleston county and Samuel P. Coker from Barnwell county.
Page 89—Opposite name of Joseph H. Rainey, strike out 46th, 47th and 48th and insert 43rd. See sketch on page 95.
Page 90—F. B. Perry should be B. F. Perry.
Page 97—under Robert C. DeLarge, should be 1868-1870 as a member of the House of Representatives.
Page 98—Under Francis L. Cardozo—four years as State Treasurer instead of two. See page 89.
Pages 103 and 104—A. Q. Jones should be A. O. Jones.
Page 104—countries should be counties.
Page 85—Jervay, Page 107—Jervay and Jarvey—should be Jervey.
Page 100—Under Thomas E. Miller—1866 should be 1886 as member of the S. C. House of Representatives.
Additional members of the Senate:
Jared Warley—Clarendon County Dublin I. Walker—Chester County J. L. Duncan—Orangeburg County Additional Members of the House of Representatives: Abbeville Co.—Everett Cain, H. A. Wideman, Aiken Co.—Gloster H. Holland, W. B. Jones Barnwell Co.—B. W. Middleton, E. M. Sumpter Charleston Co.—R. B. Artson, P. P. Hedges, J. J. Hardy, J. J. Grant, J. W. Lloyd, C. F. North, Lewis Simmons Chester Co.—Ceasar Simmons Colleton Co.—Sherman Smalls, R. S. Tarlton Edgefield Co.—David Graham, Augustus Simpkins Georgetown Co.—Charles H. Sperry Kershaw Co.—Frank Adamson Laurens Co.—James Young Marion Co.—William A. Hayne Marlboro Co.—Jacob Allman Newberry Co.—Isham Greenwood Orangeburg Co.—John Dix, Abram Dannerly, H. Reilly Sumter Co.—W. W. Ramsey, J. C. Wilson Williamsburg Co.—Fortune Giles, E. H. Gourdin, Thomas Pressley
Relative to Hon. J. H. Rainey I would state that he was the only Negro Congressman who presided over the U. S. House of Representatives. That courtesy was extended to him by Speaker James G. Blaine.
The following may be interesting in connection with Senator W. B. Nash:
"It is not too much to say that the leading man of the Republican party in the Senate is Beverly Nash, a man wholly black. He is apparently consulted more and appealed to more, in the business of the body, than any man in it. It is admitted by his white opposition colleagues that he has more native ability than half the white men in the State"
The Prostrate State—J. S. Pike.
"Beverley Nash of Columbia is probably the foremost Negro in the State. He has made many speeches, which, homely in manner, have, nevertheless, a subsoil of strong common sense. He has been employed by the Military authorities from time to time in aiding, by "moral suasion" to preserve peace; is about 45 years of age; was formerly a hotel servant in Columbia where he still resides. Some months ago, on the same platform with Gen. Wade Hampton and other distinguished citizens he made a speech to the colored people recommending qualified suffrage; but subsequently was obliged by high-pressure to recant, and to set himself right has since become intensely radical. His idea now is that the Negro is entitled to everything the white man enjoys—an opinion which has been encouraged by his appointment as magistrate, General Sickles having conferred the office upon him to punish the citizens of Columbia for an assault made by two intoxicated young men on a itinerant radical speaker and his traveling companion while in that town"
"Q" in New York Times—March 23, 1868.
The above would indicate that Senator W. Beverly Nash was the first Negro to exercise judicial power in the United States.
Concerning Associate Justice J. J. Wright I would add that he graduated from the Lancaster, Pa., High School—studied law at Montrose, Pa.,—admitted to the Bar in Susquehanna county, being the first Negro to practice law in Pennsylvania—four years before going to South Carolina.
Very respectfully,Henry A. Wallace.Washington, D. C., May 9, 1920.
Dear Mr. Woodson:
The Journal of Negro History is among the most valuable periodicals that it is my privilege to receive. I make it a rule to read all the articles of a purely historical nature.
Your recent effort to gather and print a list of the Negro officeholders of the reconstructive period is highly commendable, and should be aided by all persons possessing accurate or approximate facts on the subjects. There were numerous such holders of small offices, national, state, county and municipal, in the Southern states in that period. As a boy, I knew two such in the town and county in which I lived. Doubtless many other persons of 50 years or less know of several.
Mr. John W. Cromwell's articles in the April number, "The Aftermath of Nat Turner's Insurrection," is not only scholarly and interesting but a very valuable contribution to history.
There is a vast amount of fact reposing only in the memories of elderly people now living that should be rescued and recorded while they live, lest it is lost forever. Perhaps the record of it will not be history proper but only annals, or a record of events. It is none the less important to secure it. It is of minor importance whether it be written in polished literary form. It will constitute source matter for the future historian. For some time to come we shall be in less need of dissertations that are philosophy of Negro history than of accurate records of events—facts, facts, facts!
I have conversed with a number of elderly colored men and women in this city who have a wonderful fund of recollection of interesting and valuable historical data never in print. There are such people everywhere. Some cannot write, others will not write. If discriminating chroniclers are encouraged to write down the stories of such people for publication in your Journal, the result should be fruitful.
I congratulate you on the average excellence of the subjects covered by the Journal and the scholarly editing thereof.
Yours very sincerely,(Signed) R. C. Edmonson.
Dr. Carter G. Woodson,
Editor, Journal of Negro History.
SOME UNDISTINGUISHED NEGROES
Fred Fowler
Fred Fowler was born about 1832 in Frederick County, Maryland. His first master, Michael Reel, had a farm and a flour mill about four miles from Frederick City. Reel owned sixteen slaves, among whom were Fred's mother and her eight children. Fred's father belonged to a man named Doyle, who had an adjoining farm. Doyle sold the father to a man named Fisher, who subsequently put up the first gas factory in Frederick.
On the death of Michael Reel, in 1847, his estate had to be divided. Some of the slaves were disposed of according to appraisement, others at auction. Fred, then about fifteen years old, was taken at the appraised value of $400 by a son of the deceased Reel. If auctioned off, he thought he might have brought somewhat more.
At this sale his mother and one child were bought for $500 by a man named Todd, who subsequently sold her to Dr. Shipley. Four children were purchased by men supposed to be traders, who presumably took them to Georgia, which, according to the sentiment of "Nellie Gray," was the slave's notion of some far-away place where the speculators found a market. No one of these four was ever seen or heard from after they were put on the train for Baltimore. The other children, two sisters, were taken away by a man named Roach, but that was all that was then known. The almost invariable rule in the inter-state slave-trade was that separation ended all communication with those left behind. In 1887—forty years after the sale—these sisters wrote a letter to a colored church in Frederick asking for information about the slaves that belonged to the Reel family. Someone in the church knew that Fred Fowler was living in Washington, D.C. The letter was forwarded to him and from it he learned that these sisters had been taken to Columbia, Tennessee and were still living. A meeting soon followed.
When Fred was twenty years old, young Reel, who was about to move to Springfield, Illinois, sold him privately for $1,000 to Dr. Willis who lived in New Market, Frederick County, Maryland. That was a high price for the time and place. Fowler was with Dr. Willis for three or four years as a farmhand. The Doctor was the physician for the notorious inter-state slave traders B. M. and W. L. Campbell. They had a large jail in Baltimore for their purchases in Maryland. In New Orleans they had another, where most of their sales were made. The Doctor went to Baltimore once or twice a week to examine and prescribe for the Campbell slaves. In the farming season, when there was need of extra labor, he would bring some of them out to work for him.
Mrs. Salmon, a Quaker, told Fowler that Dr. Willis contemplated selling him the following winter, probably because some less valuable slave could do the work. All slaves dreaded being sold, for, if young and strong, it usually meant being "sold South." So in the spring of 1858 Fowler made up his mind to run away. He and another slave started one Saturday night and safely walked to Gettysburg, Pennsylvania by the early morning.
Promptly on Monday Dr. Willis issued a handbill offering $200 reward for the recovery of his runaway. Fowler knew no details of this until perhaps thirty or forty years later, when a son of Dr. Willis gave him one of the handbills. It was shown about 1905 to the present writer who had it carefully typewritten as to the lines and capitalization, but the size of the letters could not be reproduced. The original was duly returned to Fowler, but unfortunately he subsequently lost or mislaid it. It was tiny for a handbill—only about six inches long and four inches wide and was worded and lined thus:—
"$200 REWARD!
Ranaway from the subscriber, living at New Market, Frederick Co., Md., On Saturday Night, the 8th. of May inst., a Negro Man, named Fred Fowler, aged about 26 years, five feet ten or eleven inches high, stout made, dark copper color, round full eye, upper teeth full and even, has a down look when spoken to, lisps slightly in his speech, and has small hands; no other marks recollected. Had on when he left, dark pants and coat and light-made shoes.
The above reward will be given for the arrest of said Negro, if taken out of the State of Maryland, and his delivery to the subscriber; or one hundred dollars, if taken in the State, and secured in jail.
Dr. W. L. Willis.
New Market, Md., May 10, 1858."
The same wording long appeared as an advertisement in the Baltimore Sun. Both were all in vain.
A free Negro, associated with the underground railroad in Pennsylvania and working as a mason for a company of men who built large barns in Maryland, had told Fowler to report in Gettysburg to a man by the name of Mathers. The runaways did so and were concealed until the next night. They then walked to Carlisle, Pennsylvania. There they remained that day. During the night they went on to Harrisburg. Some Abolitionists took charge of them and put them on a farm about eight miles from town. In August, they proceeded to Bradford, Canada West. There Fowler found an aunt who had run away with a party of twelve, many years before. He worked on a farm until May, 1862, when he went to the American Hotel in Lockport, New York to become a waiter. In August, 1863 he left for Hartford, Connecticut, to enlist in the 29th Regiment of Connecticut Colored Volunteers. The regiment was turned over to the Government in March, 1864, and was then taken by boat from Hartford to Annapolis Maryland, and there transhipped to Beaufort, South Carolina.
At Beaufort they had a few little skirmishes. Once they were about surrounded by the Confederates for five days, and were without food a part of the time. The Confederates were between Beaufort and Hilton Head, but did not know to what disadvantage they had the colored regiment.
In the summer of 1864 the regiment was moved to Bermuda Hundred, Virginia. On the day of landing they took part in an engagement at Malvern Hill. They were in several skirmishes and were finally attacked at Strawberry Plains. From there they were taken to the Weldon railway, for the purpose of cutting off the southern connection with Richmond. They fought there three days and tore up the track. To make the rails useless they were heated red-hot and twisted around trees. Later, the regiment was taken back to the neighborhood of Fort Harrison, on which they made an attack. After a few weeks they took the Fort and remained there all winter and until a few days before the fall of Richmond.
Early in April, 1865, on a Sunday afternoon the troops in Fort Harrison saw a large mass of Confederates marching in plain view in front of them. "We thought there must be a million of them marching there!" It was supposed that the Confederates intended soon to attack Fort Harrison. The occupants of the Fort sent out videttes so as to give the earliest possible notice of it. Those in the Fort made every preparation for resistence. But there was no attack. That night three unarmed Confederates came to the videttes and reported that there were no troops in front; that the Confederate lines had long been very thin and that the Federals could march right into Richmond.
This was found to be true, for on the following day the Union troops started for the Confederate capitol. Fowler's regiment reached there on the morning of the fall and went to State House Hill, but camped close to Libby prison, down near the river. A few days later—a day or two before Lincoln was shot—they left Richmond for City Point, where they first heard of his death. From there they were taken to Point Lookout, Maryland, to aid in the search for Booth. After Booth was captured, the regiment returned to City Point, and a week later was ordered to Brownsville, Texas, for the special purpose of getting the supplies,—a great collection of cotton, wagons and all sorts of munitions—that General Kirby Smith had tried to take to Mexico. The regiment remained there until the 15th day of October, when Fowler and the others were mustered out of the United States service.
In the spring of 1876 he was appointed a messenger in the Library of Congress, which was then and until about 1900 in the Capitol just west of the great dome. He was a strong willing worker. Doctor Spofford relied on him to find and bring forth from dark and dusty storerooms the files of old newspapers when needed for historical purposes. By the time that the magnificent Library of Congress building was completed and things were in shipshape, Fowler had reached an age when he was entitled to and given less heavy work.
For nearly twenty years he was daily at the door of the Reading Room to admit readers and to refer sightseers to the gallery for the best view of the grand and beautiful rotunda. He was always so cheerful and polite that it gave one pleasure to see and exchange greetings with him. His remarkable and most honorable career caused him to be regarded with much wonder by persons of the young generation, especially if from the North. By the whole staff of the Library and by the many research workers that daily came there, he was regarded with a fondness such as was felt toward no one else.
He died October 9, 1919, at the advanced age of about 87 and was buried in the great National Cemetery in Arlington, Virginia. There his grave and name can be seen among those of men who fought to preserve the Union, and in doing so destroyed slavery—the "sacred institution" of the old South and "the corner-stone" of the short-lived Confederacy. Fred Fowler served his race and his country well and he was well rewarded.
F. B.
Some observations on the death of Rachel Parker
On the 21st of February 1918 the Oxford Press carried the following:
The death on Monday in Oxford of Rachel Parker Wesley, an aged colored woman, recalls an incident of the slavery times previous to the War of the Rebellion, in which Rachel was a principal figure. The question of slavery was paramount then, and later became one of the burning issues of the war. Maryland was a slave State, and an ablebodied negro man was worth in the slave market as much as $1400, while a girl often brought $1000. Frequently negroes were taken from the free State of Pennsylvania across into Maryland, where they might be sold.
Rachel Parker lived at the time with the family of Joseph Miller, on the farm in West Nottingham now owned by S. S. Boyd.
It was on the last day of December, 1850, that she was kidnapped from this home by three men, Thomas McCrery, John Merritt and George Alexander, the latter figuring as the driver of the wagon. It was about 11 o'clock in the morning.
The team took a road, now vacated, that led to old Pine Grove school house. They found the road blocked by the wagon of James Pollock, and his son Samuel, who were loading wood. On demand that the wagon be removed so that they could pass at once, James Pollock refused, and when McCrery drew a sword he brandished his axe.
The kidnappers then turned and made their way to Nottingham, and by way of Stubbs' Mill, Chrome and Calvert, proceeded to Perryville, from which point they entrained for Baltimore.
When the capture of Rachel Parker became known there was considerable excitement in the community. Rachel was born of free parents and that she had been carried away into possible slavery was too much for the sturdy abolitionists of that day.
A party of eight was organized to go in pursuit. They were Joseph Miller, William Morris, Samuel Pollock, Lewis Melrath, Jesse B. Kirk, Abner B. Richardson, Benjamin Furniss, H. G. Coates.
These men went to Perryville and that night took a train for Baltimore. They went to a house of detention or slave pen in that city where runaway slaves were kept. While they were there McCrery appeared with Rachel Parker in a wagon.
The Pennsylvanians protested that the girl was not a slave, but was free, and the authorities ordered that she be held and given a trial.
The Pennsylvanians met an acquaintance named Francis Cochran, who resided in Baltimore. When he learned their errand he told them they were in mortal danger, and advised them to get at once on a train and not leave it until they arrived at Perryville.
Joseph Miller left the car, or the train, and was not seen again by his friends, although search was made for him. His body was found some hours afterwards, hanging in a woods near Stemmer's Run. Just how he met his death is a mystery that never was made clear. It was claimed at the time that investigation proved that Miller was dead before his body was hanged to the tree, and that he had been poisoned.
Rachel Parker was gone more than 14 months, most of that time locked up in Baltimore. Her trial was postponed from time to time.
It was claimed in Baltimore that Rachel Parker was a member of a family named Crocus, and that they were runaway slaves. In an effort to prove this, people were sent to this neighborhood to try to identify other members of the Parker family as in reality belonging to the Crocus family. The attorney who ably defended Rachel Parker was Lloyd Norris. She was acquitted, and she is said to have been the only person so freed in a slave State.
