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460 (return)

[ Sulmo.—Ver. 1. See the Note to the first line of the First Elegy of this Book.]

461 (return)

[ Pelignian land.—Ver. 1. From Pliny the Elder, we learn that the Peligni were divided into three tribes, the Corfinienses, the Superequani, and the Sulmonenses.]

462 (return)

[ Constellation.—Ver. 4. He alludes to the heat attending the Dog star, see the Fasti, Book iv., 1. 939, and the Note to the passage.]

463 (return)

[ The thin soil.—Ver. 8. 'Rarus ager' means, a 'thin' or 'loose' soil, which was well suited for the cultivation of the grape.]

464 (return)

[ That bears its berries.—Ver. 8. In Nisard's translation, the words 'bacciferam Pallada,' which mean the olive, are rendered 'L'amande Caere Pallas,' 'the almond dear to Pallas.']

465 (return)

[ Lengthened tracks.—Ver. 16. To the Delphin Editor this seems a silly expression.]

466 (return)

[ The stormy Alps.—Ver. 19. See the Metamorphoses, Book ii. 1. 226, and the Note to the passage.]

467 (return)

[ The obedient stream.—Ver. 35. This was a method of irrigation in agriculture, much resorted to by the ancients.]

468 (return)

[ Fierce Cilicians —Ver. 39. The people of the interior of Cilicia, in Asia Minor, were of rude and savage manners while those on the coast had been engaged in piracy, until it had been effectually suppressed by Pompey.]

469 (return)

[ Britons painted green.—Ver. 39. The Britons may be called 'virides,' from their island being surrounded by the sea; or, more probably, from the colour with which they were in the habit of staining their bodies. Cæsar says, in the Fifth Book of the Gallic war, 'The Britons stain themselves with woad, 'vitrum,' or 'glastum,' which produces a blue colour: and thus they become of a more dreadful appearance in battle.' The conquest of Britain, by Cæsar, is alluded to in the Fifteenth Book of the Metamorphoses, 1. 752.]

471 (return)

[ Loves the vine.—Ver. 41. The custom of training vines by the side of the elm, has been alluded to in a previous Note. See also the Metamorphoses, Book xiv. 1. 663, and the Note to the passage.]

472 (return)

[ As the nags.—Ver. 49. The 'manni' were used by the Romans for much the same purpose as our coach-horses; and were probably more noted for their fleetness than their strength; They were a small breed, originally imported from Gaul, and the possession of them was supposed to indicate the possession of considerable wealth. As the 'esseda' was a small vehicle, and probably of light structure, we must not be surprised at Corinna being in the habit of driving for herself. The distance from Rome to Sulmo was about ninety miles: and the journey, from his expressions in the fifty-first and fifty-second lines, must have been over hill and dale.]

473 (return)

[ Your little chaise.—Ver. 49. For an account of the 'essedum,' or 'esseda,' see the Pontic Epistles, Book ii. Ep. 10, 1. 34, and the Note to the passage.]

474 (return)

[ King of Pkthia.—Ver. 17.] He alludes to the marriage of Thetis, the sea Goddess, to Peleus, the king of Phthia, in Thessaly.]

475 (return)

[ His anvil.—Ver. 19. It is a somewhat curious fact, that the anvils of the ancients exactly resembled in form and every particular those used at the present day.]

476 (return)

[ Becomingly united.—Ver. 22. He says, that in the Elegiac measure the Pentameter, or line of five feet, is not unhappily matched with the Hexameter, or heroic line of six feet.]

477 (return)

[ Disavowed by you.—Ver. 26. 'Voids' seems more agreable to the sense of the passage, than 'nobis.' 'to be denied by us;' as, from the context, there was no fear of his declining her affection.]

478 (return)

[ That she is Corinna.—Ver. 29. This clearly proves that Corinna was not a real name; it probably was not given by the Poet to any one of his female acquaintances in particular.]

479 (return)

[ Thy poem onwards.—Ver. 1. Macer translated the Iliad of Homer into Latin verse, and composed an additional poem, commencing at the beginning of the Trojan war, and coming down to the wrath of Achilles, with which Homer begins.]

480 (return)

[ I, Macer.—Ver. 3. Æmilius Macer is often mentioned by Ovid in his works. In the Tristia, Book iv. Ep. 10,1.41, he says, 'Macer, when stricken in years, many a time repeated to me his poem on birds, and each serpent that is deadly, each herb that is curative.' The Tenth Epistle of the Second Book of Pontic Epistles is also addressed to him, in which Ovid alludes to his work on the Trojan war, and the time when they visited Asia Minor and Sicily together. He speaks of him in the Sixteenth Epistle of the Fourth Book, as being then dead. Macer was a native of Verona, and was the intimate friend of Virgil, Ovid, and Tibullus. Some suppose that the poet who wrote on natural history, was not the same with him who wrote on the Trojan war; and, indeed, it does not seem likely, that he who was an old man in the youth of Ovid, should be the same person to whom he writes from Pontus, when about fifty-six years of age. The bard of Ilium died in Asia.]

481 (return)

[ Tragedy grew apace.—Ver. 13. He alludes to his tragedy of Medea, which no longer exists. Quintilian thus speaks of it: 'The Medea of Ovid seems to me to prove how much he was capable of, if he had only preferred to curb his genius, rather than indulge it.']

482 (return)

[ Sabinus return.—Ver. 27. He represents his friend, Sabinus, here in the character of a 'tabellarius,' or 'letter carrier,' going with extreme speed (celer) to the various parts of the earth, and bringing back the answers of Ulysses to Penelope, Hippolytus to Phaedra, Æneas to Dido, Demophoôn to Phyllis, Jason to Hypsipyle, and Phaon to Sappho. All these works of Sabinus have perished, except the Epistle of Ulysses to Penelope, and Demophoôn to Phyllis. His Epistle from Paris to Oenonc, is not here mentioned. See the Pontic Epistles, Book iv. Ep. xvi. 1. 13, and the Note to the passage.]

483 (return)

[ Bring back letters.—Ver. 28. As the ancients had no establishment corresponding to our posts, they employed special messengers called 'tabellarii,' for the conveyance of their letters.]

484 (return)

[ Vowed to Phobus.—Ver. 34. Sappho says in her Epistle, that if Phaon should refuse to return, she will dedicate her lyre to Phobus, and throw herself from the Leucadian rock. This, he tells her, she may now-do, as by his answer Phaon declines to return.]

485 (return)

[ Pain in her head.—Ver. 11. She pretended a head-ache, when nothing wras the matter with her; in order that too much familiarity, in the end, might not breed contempt.]

486 (return)

[ A surfeit of love.—Ver. 25. 'l'inguis amor' seems here to mear a satisfied 'ora 'pampered passion;' one that meets with no repulse.]

487 (return)

[ Enclosed Danaë.—Ver. 27. See the Metamorphoses, Book iv., 1.]

488 (return)

[ The dogs bark.—Ver. 40. The women of loose character, among the Romans, were much in the habit of keeping dogs, for the protection of their houses.]

FOOTNOTES BOOK THREE:

501 (return)

[ Than the other.—Ver. 8. 'He alludes to the unequal lines of the Elegiac measure, which consists of Hexameters and Pentameters. In personifying Elegy, he might have omitted this remark, as it does not add to the attractions of a lady, to have one foot longer than the other; he says, however, that it added to her gracefulness.]

502 (return)

[ The Lydian buskin.—Ver. 14. As Lydia was said to have sent colonists to Etruria, some Commentators think that the word 'Lydius' here means 'Etrurian and that the first actors at Rome were Etrurians. But, as the Romans derived their notions of tragedy from the Greeks, we may conclude that Lydia in Asia Minor is here referred to; for we learn from Herodotus and other historians, that the Greeks borrowed largely from the Lydians.]

503 (return)

[ Drunken revels.—Ver. 17. He probably alludes to the Fourth Elegy of the First, and the Fifth Elegy of the Second Book of the 'Amores.']

505 (return)

[ Mighty inspiration.—Ver. 23. The 'thyrsus' was said to have been first used by the troops of Bacchus, in his Indian expedition, when, to deceive the Indians, they concealed the points of their spears amid leaves of the vine and ivy. Similar weapons were used by his devotees when worshipping him, which they brandished to and fro. To be touched with the thyrsus of Bacchus, meant 'to be inspired with poetic frenzy.' See the Notes to the Metamorphoses, Book iii. 1. 542.]

506 (return)

[ In unequal numbers.—Ver. 37. Some have supposed, that allusion is made to the Tragedy of Medea, which Ovid had composed, and that it had been written in Elegiac measure. This, however, does not seem to be the meaning of the passage. Elegy justly asks Tragedy, why, if she has such a dislike to Elegiac verses, she has been talking in them? which she has done, from the 15th line to the 30th.]

507 (return)

[ Myself the patroness.—Ver. 44. She certainly does not give herself a very high character in giving herself the title of 'lena.']

508 (return)

[ The fastened door.—Ver. 50. He alludes, probably, to one of the Elegies which he rejected, when he cut down the five books to three.]

509 (return)

[ In a hose tunic.—Ver. 51. He may possibly allude to the Fifth Elegy of the First Book, as the words 'tunicâ velata recinctâ,' as applied to Corinna, are there found. But there he mentions midday as the time when Corinna came to him, whereas he seems here to allude to the middle of the night.]

510 (return)

[ Cut in the wood.—Ver. 53. He alludes to the custom of lovers carving inscriptions on the doors of their obdurate mistresses: this we learn from Plautus to have been done in Elegiac strains, and sometimes with charcoal. 'Implentur meæ fores clegiarum carbonibus.' 'My doors are filled with the coal-black marks of elegies.']

511 (return)

[ On her birthday.—Ver. 57. She is telling Ovid what she has put up with for his sake; and she reminds him how, when he sent to his mistress some complimentary lines on her birthday, she tore them up and threw them in the water. Horace mentions 'the flames, or the Adriatic sea,' as the end of verses that displeased. Athenseus, Book xiii. c. 5, relates a somewhat similai story. Diphilus the poet was in the habit of sending his verses to his mistress Gnathæna. One day she was mixing him a cup of wine and snow-water, on which he observed, how cold her well must be; to which she answered, yes, for it was there that she used to throw his compositions.]

514 (return)

[ From behind.—Ver. 70. It is not known, for certain, to what he refers in this line. Some think that he refers to the succeeding Elegies in this Book, which are, in general, longer than the former ones, while others suppose that he refers to his Metamorphoses, which he then contemplated writing. Burmann, however, is not satisfied with this explanation, and thinks that, in his more mature years, he contemplated the composition of Tragedy, after having devoted his youth to lighter snbjects; and that he did not compose, or even contemplate the composition of his Metamorphoses, until many years afterwards.]

515 (return)

[ I am not sitting here.—Ver. 1. He is here alluding to the Circen-sian games, which were celebrating in the Circus Maximus, or greatest Circus, at Rome, at different times in the year. Some account is given of the Circus Maximus in the Note to 1. 392. of the Second Book of the Fasti. The 'Magni,' or Great Circensian games, took place on the Fourth of the Ides of April. The buildings of the Circus were burnt in the conflagration of Rome, in Nero's reign; and it was not restored till the days of Trajan, who rebuilt it with more than its former magnificence, and made it capable, according to some authors, of accommodating 385,000 persons. The Poet says, that he takes no particular interest himself in the race, but hopes that the horse may win which is her favourite.]

516 (return)

[ The spirited steeds.—Ver. 2. The usual number of chariots in each race was four. The charioteers were divided into four companies, or 'fac-tiones,' each distinguished by a colour, representing the season of the year. These colours were green for the spring, red for the summer, azure for the autumn, and white for the winter. Originally, but two chariots started in each race; but Domitian increased the number to six, appointing two new companies of charioteers, the golden and the purple; however the number was still, more usually, restricted to four. The greatest interest was shewn by all classes, and by both sexes, in the race. Lists of the horses were circulated, with their names and colours; the names also of the charioteers were given, and bets were extensively made, (see the Art of Love, Book i. 1. 167, 168,) and sometimes disputes and violent contests arose.]

517 (return)

[ To be seated by you.—Ver. 3. The men and women sat together when viewing the contests of the Circus, and not in separate parts of the building, as at the theatres.]

518 (return)

[ Happy the driver.—Ver. 7. He addresses the charioteer.]

519 (return)

[ The sacred barrier.—Ver. 9. For an account of the 'career,' or 'starting-place,' see the Notes to the Tristia, Book v. El. ix. 1. 29. It is called 'sacer,' because the whole of the Circus Maximus was sacred to Consus, who is supposed by some to have been the same Deity as Neptune. The games commenced with sacrifices to the Deities.]

520 (return)

[ I would give rein.—Ver. 11. The charioteer was wont to stand within the reins, having them thrown round his back. Leaning backwards, he thereby threw his full weight against the horses, when he wished to check them at full speed. This practice, however, was dangerous, and by it the death of Hippolytus was caused. In the Fifteenth Book of the Metamorphoses,1. 524, he says, 'I struggled, with unavailing hand, to guide the bridle covered with white foam, and throwing myself "backwards, I pulled back the loosened reins.' To avoid the danger of this practice, the charioteer carried a hooked knife at his waist, for the purpose of cutting the reins on an emergency.]

521 (return)

[ The turning-place.—Ver. 12. For an account of the 'meta.'see the Tristia, Book iv. El. viii.l. 35. Of course, thpse who kept as close to the 'meta' as possible, would lose the least distance in turning round it.]

522 (return)

[ How nearly was Pelops.—Ver. 15. In his race with Onomaüs, king of Pisa, in Arcadia, for the hand of his daughter, Hippodamia, when Pelops conquered his adversary by bribing his charioteer, Myrtilus.]

523 (return)

[ Of his mistress.—Ver. 17. He here seems to imply that it was Hippodamia who bribed Myrtilus.]

524 (return)

[ Shrink away in vain.—Ver. 19. She shrinks from him, and seems to think that he is sitting too close, but he tells her that the 'linea' forces them to squeeze. This 'linea' is supposed to have been either cord, or a groove, drawn across the seats at regular intervals, so as to mark out room for a certain number of spectators between each two 'lineæ.']

525 (return)

[ Has this advantage.—Ver. 20. He congratulates himsdf on the construction of the place, so aptly giving him an excuse for sitting close to his mistress.]

526 (return)

[ But do you —Ver. 21. He is pretending to be very anxious for her comfort, and is begging the person on the other side not to squeeze so close against his mistress.]

527 (return)

[ And you as well.—Ver. 23. As in the theatres, the seats, which were called 'gradas,' 'sedilia,' or 'subsellia,' were arranged round the course of the Circus, in ascending tiers; the lowest being, very probably, almost flush with the ground. There were, perhaps, no backs to the seats, or, at the best, only a slight railing of wood. The knees consequently of those in the back row would be level, and in juxta-position with the backs of those in front. He is here telling the person who is sitting behind, to be good enough to keep his knees to himself, and not to hurt the lady's back by pressing against her.]

528 (return)

[ I am taking it up.—Ver. 26. He is here showing off his politeness, and will not give her the trouble of gathering up her dress. Even in those days, the ladies seem to have had no objection to their dresses doing the work of the scavenger's broom.]

529 (return)

[ The fleet Atalanta.—Ver. 29. Some suppose that the Arcadian Atalanta, the daughter of Iasius, was beloved by a youth of the name of Milanion. According to Apollodorus, who evidently confounds the Arcadian with the Boeotian Atalanta, Milanion was another name of Hippo-menes, who conquered the latter in the foot race, as mentioned in the Tenth Book of the Metamorphoses. See the Translation of the Metamorphoses, p. 375. From this and another passage of Ovid, we have reason to suppose that Atalanta was, by tradition, famous for the beauty of her ancles.]

530 (return)

[ The fan may cause.—Ver. 38. Instead of the word 'tabella,' 'flabella' has been suggested here; but as the first syllable is long, such a reading would occasion a violation of the laws of metre, and 'tabella' is probably correct. It has, however, the same meaning here as 'flabella it signifying what we should call 'a fan;' in fact, the 'flabellum' was a 'tabella,' or thin board, edged with peacocks' feathers, or those of other birds, and sometimes with variegated pieces of cloth. These were generally waved by female slaves, who were called 'flabelliferæ'; or else by eunuchs or young boys. They were used to cool the atmosphere, to drive away gnats and flies, and to promote sleep. We here see a gentleman offering to fan a lady, as a compliment; and it must have been especially grateful amid the dust and heat of the Roman Circus. That which was especially intended for the purpose of driving away flies, was called 'muscarium.' The use of fans was not confined to females; as we learn from Suetonius, that the Emperor Augustus had a slave to fan him during his sleep. The fan was also sometimes made of linen, extended upon a light frame, and sometimes of the two wings of a bird, joined back to back, and attached to a handle.]

531 (return)

[ Now the procession.—Ver. 34 All this time they have been waiting for the ceremony to commence. The 'Pompa,' or procession, now opens the performance. In this all those who were about to exhibit in the race took a part. The statues of the Gods were borne on wooden platforms on the shoulders of men, or on wheels, according as they were light or heavy. The procession moved from the Capitol, through the Forum, to the Circus Maximus, and was also attended by the officers of state. Musicians and dancers preceded the statues of the Gods. See the Fasti, Book iv. 1. 391, and the Note to the passage.]

532 (return)

[ Victory borne.—Ver. 45. On the wooden platform, which was called 'ferculum,' or 'thensa,' according as it was small or large.]

533 (return)

[ With expanded wings.—Ver. 45. Victory was always represented with expanded wings, on account of her inconstancy and volatility.]

534 (return)

[ Salute Neptune.—Ver. 47. 'Plaudite Neptuno' is equivalent, in our common parlance, to 'Give a cheer for Neptune.' He is addressing the sailors who may be present: but he declines to have anything to do with the sea himself.]

535 (return)

[ Arms I detest.—Ver. 49. Like his contemporary, Horace, Ovid was no lover of war.]

536 (return)

[ Of the artisan.—Ver. 52. We learn from the Fasti, Book iii. 1.815, that Minerva was especially venerated as the patroness of handicrafts.]

537 (return)

[ Let the boxers.—Ver. 54. Boxing was one of the earliest athletic games practised by the Greeks. Apollo and Hercules, as well as Pollux, are celebrated by the poets for excelling in this exercise. It formed a portion of the Olympic contests; while boys fought in the Nemean and Isthmian games. Concerning the 'cæstus' used by pugilists, see the Fasti, Book ii. 1. 367, and the Note to the passage. The method in fighting most practised was to remain on the defensive, and thus to wear out the opponent by continual efforts. To inflict blows, without receiving any in return on the body, was the great point of merit. The right arm was chiefly used for attack, while the office of the left was to protect the body. Teeth were often knocked out, and the ears were much disfigured. The boxers, by the rules of the game, were not allowed to take hold of each other, nor to trip up their antagonist. In Italy boxing seems to have been practised from early times by the people of Etruria. It continued to be one of the popular games during the period of the Republic as well as of the Empire.]

538 (return)

[ In the lattice work.—Ver. 64. The 'cancelli' were lattice work, which probably fkirted the outer edge of each wide 'præcinctio,' or passage,that ran along in front of the seats, at certain intervals. As the knees would not there be so cramped, these seats would be considered the most desirable. It is clear that Ovid and the lady have had the good fortune to secure front seats, with the feet resting either on the lowest 'præcinctio', or the 'præcinctio' of a set of seats higher up. Stools, of course, could not be used, as they would be in the way of passers-by. He perceives, as the seat is high, that she has some difficulty in touching the ground with her feet, and naturally concludes that her legs must ache; on which he tells her, if it will give her ease, to rest the tips of her feet on the lattice work railing which was opposite, and which, if they were on an upper 'præcinctio,' ran along the edge of it: or if they were on the very lowest tier, skirted the edge of the 'podium' which formed the basis of that tier. This she might do, if the 'præcinctio' was not more than a yard wide, and if the 'cancelli' were as much as a foot in height.]

539 (return)

[ Now the Prcetor.—Ver. 65. The course is now clear of the procession, and the Prætor gives the signal for the start, the 'carceres' being first opened. This was sometimes given by sound of trumpet, or more frequently by letting fall a napkin; at least, after the time of Nero, who is said, on one occasion, while taking a meal, to have heard the shouts of the people who were impatient for the race to begin, on which he threw down his napkin as the signal.]

540 (return)

[ The even harriers.—Ver. 66. From this description we should be apt to think that the start was effected at the instant when the 'carceres' were opened. This was not the case: for after coming out of the-carceres,' the chariots were ranged abreast before a white line, which was held by men whose office it was to do, and who were called 'moratores.' When all were ready, and the signal had been given, the white line was thrown down, and the race commenced, which was seven times round the course. The 'career' is called 'æquum,' because they were in a straight line, and each chariot was ranged in front of the door of its 'career.']

541 (return)

[ Circuit far too wide.—Ver. 69. The charioteer, whom the lady favours, is going too wide of the 'meta,' or turning-place, and so loses ground, while the next overtakes him.]

542 (return)

[ To the left.—Ver. 72. He tells him to guide the horses to the left, so as to keep closer to the 'meta,' and not to lose so much ground by going wide of it.]

543 (return)

[ Call him back again.—Ver. 73. He, by accident, lets drop the observation, that they have been interesting themselves for a blockhead. But he immediately checks himself, and, anxious that the favourite may yet distinguish himself, trusts that the spectators will call him back. Crispinus, the Delphin Editor, thinks, that by the calling back, it is meant that it was a false start, and that the race was to be run over again. Bur-mann, however, is not of that opinion; but supposes, that if any chariot did not go well, or the horses seemed jaded, it was the custom to call the driver back from the present race, that with new horses he might join in the next race. This, from the sequel, seems the most rational mode of explanation here.]

544 (return)

[ Waving the garments.—Ver. 74. The signal for stopping was given by the men rising and shaking and waving their outer garments, or 'togae,' and probably calling the charioteer by name.]

545 (return)

[ Disarrange your hair.—Ver. 75. He is afraid lest her neighbours, in their vehemence should discommode her hair, and tells her, in joke, that she may creep into the bosom of his own 'toga.']

546 (return)

[ And now the barrier.—Ver. 77. The first race we are to suppose finished, and the second begins similarly to the first. There were generally twenty-five of these 'missus,' or races in a day.]

547 (return)

[ The variegated throng.—Ver. 78. See the Note to the second line.]

548 (return)

[ At all events.—Ver. 79. He addresses the favourite, who has again started in this race.]

549 (return)

[ Bears away the palm.—Ver. 82. The favourite charioteer is now victorious, and the Poet hopes that he himself may gain the palm in like manner. The victor descended from his car at the end of the race, and ascended the 'spina,' where he received his reward, which was generally a considerable sum of money. For an account of the 'spina,' see the Metamorphoses, Book x. l. 106, and the Note to the passage.]

550 (return)

[ Her beauty remains.—Ver. 2. She has not been punished with ugliness, as a judgment for her treachery.]

551 (return)

[ Proved false to me.—Ver. 10. Tibullus has a similar passage, 'Et si perque suos fallax juravit ocellos 'and if with her eyes the deceitful damsel is forsworn.']

552 (return)

[ Its divine sway.—Ver. 12. 'Numen' here means a power equal to that of the Divinities, and which puts it on a level with them.]

553 (return)

[ Mine felt pain.—Ver. 14. When the damsel swore by them, his eyes smarted, as though conscious of her perjury.]

554 (return)

[ Forsooth to you.—Ver. 17. He says that surely it was enough for the Gods to punish Andromeda, the daughter of Cepheus, for the sins of her mother, without making him to suffer misery for the perjury of his mistress. Cassiope, the mother of Andromeda, having dared to compare her own beauty with that of the Nereids, her daughter was, by the command of Jupiter, exposed to a sea-monster, which was afterwards slain by Perseus. See the Metamorphoses, Book iv. 1. 670.]

555 (return)

[ Hurls at the groves.—Ver. 35. A place which had been struck by lightning was called 'bidental,' and was held sacred ever afterwards. The same veneration was also paid to a place where any person who had been killed by lightning was buried. Priests collected the earth that had been torn up by lightning, and everything that had been scorched, and buried it in the ground with lamentations. The spot was then consecrated by sacrificing a two-year-old sheep, which being called 'bidens,' gave its name to the place. An altar was also erected there, and it was not allowable thenceforth to tread on the spot, or to touch it, or even look at it. When the altar had fallen to decay, it might be renovated, but to remove its boundaries was deemed sacrilege. Madness was supposed to ensue on committing such an offence; and Seneca mentions a belief, that wine which had been struck by lightning, would produce death or madness in those who drank it.]

556 (return)

[ Unfortunate Semele.—Ver. 37. See the fate of Semele, related in the Third Book of the Metamorphoses.]

557 (return)

[ Have some regard.—Ver. 49. Or, in other words. 'Don't sweat any more by my eyes.']

558 (return)

[ Because she cannot, stilt sews.—Ver. 4. It is not a little singular that a heathen poet should enunciate the moral doctrine of the New Testament, that it is the thought, and not the action, that of necessity constitutes the sin.]

559 (return)

[ A hundred in his neck.—Ver. 18. In the First Book of the Metamorphoses, he assigns to Argus only one hundred eyes; here, however, he uses a poet's license, prohably for the sake of filling up the line.]

560 (return)

[ Its stone and its iron.—Ver. 21. From Pausanias and Lucian we learn that the chamber of Danaë was under ground, and was lined with copper and iron.]

561 (return)

[ Nor yet is it legal.—Ver. 33. He tells him that he ought not to inflict loss of liberty on a free-born woman, a punishment that was only suited to a slave.]

562 (return)

[ Those two qualities.—Ver. 42. He says, the wish being probably the father to the thought, that beauty and chastity cannot possibly exist together.]

563 (return)

[ Many a thing at home.—Ver. 48. He tells him that he will grow quite rich with the presents which his wife will then receive from her admirers.]

564 (return)

[ Its bubbling foam..—Ver. 13. He alludes to the noise which the milk makes at the moment when it touches that in the pail.]

565 (return)

[ Ewe when milked.—Ver. 14. Probably the milk of ewes was used for making cheese, as is sometimes the case in this country.]

566 (return)

[ Hag of a procuress.—Ver. 40. We have been already introduced to one amiable specimen of this class in the Eighth Elegy of the First Book.]

567 (return)

[ River that hast.—Ver. 1. Ciofanus has this interesting Note:—'This river is that which flows near the walls of Sulmo, and, which, at the present day we call 'Vella.' In the early spring, when the snows melt, and sometimes, at the beginning of autumn, it swells to a wonderful degree with the rains, so that it becomes quite impassable. Ovid lived not far from the Fountain of Love, at the foot of the Moronian hill, and had a house there, of which considerable vestiges still remain, and are called 'la botteghe d'Ovidio.' Wishing to go thence to the town of Sulmo, where his mistress was living, this river was an obstruction to his passage.']

568 (return)

[ A hollow boat.—Ver. 4. 'Cymba' was a name given to small boats used on rivers or lakes. He here alludes to a ferry-boat, which was not rowed over; but a chain or rope extending from one side of the stream to the other, the boatman passed across by running his hands along the rope.]

569 (return)

[ The opposite mountain.—Ver. 7. The mountain of Soracte was near the Flaminian way, in the territory of the Falisci, and may possibly be the one here alluded to. Ciofanus says that its name is now 'Majella,-and that it is equal in height to the loftiest mountains of Italy, and capped with eternal snow. *All one with the day.—Ver. 10. He means to say that he has risen early in the morning for the purpose of proceeding on his journey.]